Among those episodes which lend interest to the history of Southern Oregon, the series of hostile acts which we collectively style the Rogue River wars, undoubtedly, possess the greatest interest. The period of the occurrence of these events is so comparatively recent that their recollection is yet fresh in the minds of many who participated therein, and there are persons not yet beyond the middle years of life to whom they were once a present reality. To write a history of those wars is the task which the writer now assigns himself, confident that the collection and preservation of the existing memorials and recollections of the stirring scenes of Indian hostility will prove a work of public and acknowledged value. For such a work ample materials exist; official documents, reports of military attaches, newspaper accounts, memorials of governing bodies, the acts of legislative assemblages, but chiefly the personal recollections of eyewitnesses make up a vast mass of evidence extraordinarily perfect in scope and thoroughness. From such resources the compilation of a history sufficiently detailed to interest those previously acquainted with its subject, and sufficiently ample in scope to form a useful addition to the records of the Pacific Coast, would seem an easy task requiring but the common attributes of the historical writer--industry and conscientiousness. Under such circumstances it has seemed possible to trace with considerable minuteness the occurrences of the wars; and it will probably be more in consonance with the desires of the readers of this book if the writer describe in detail this interesting contest, instead of confining himself in the manner of a philosophical dissertation, to those salient instances in which the tendency of the age is most strikingly manifested.
    It will doubtless occur to the attentive reader who rises from a perusal of this account that there was nothing extraordinary in this war; that there were no distinguishing circumstances connected with it that raise its history above the account of an ordinary Indian war; that it was a struggle, similar in all respects, save names, time and place, to each of those innumerable contests by which the American settler has won his way to the possession of his home, and driven forward the bounds of civilization from state to state, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In no essential does it seem to differ from the desperate and bloody contests waged against the Indians of Massachusetts, of New York, of Ohio, of Florida, of Kentucky, and of a dozen other states, where the blood of the early settlers was poured out in vindication of the grand principle of Caucasian progressiveness. For the white and the red races are equally unconformable to each other's habits of life, and meet only to repeat the old story of white conquest and native subjection. Still there is much in each individual account of stern and bloody Indian warring to enchain the reader's attention, unwearied by the hackneyed repetition of sanguinary fight or hairbreadth escape. So we find it in the Rogue River wars; a generation has passed, but the oft-told story of a woman's heroic defense of her hearth, or the terrible massacre of innocents, has rather gained than lost in interest, and every brave Tecumseh, King Philip, Red Jacket, Black Hawk or Osceola is matched in the exploits of Old John, Joe, Sam and Limpy, humbler savages though they were, and living in a prosaic age which has not told in song their deeds.
    To discover romance or any elevated qualities in an Indian distance is required. Thus separated from living aborigines by the breadth of a state, Fenimore Cooper was enabled to give those inimitable portrayals of the American Indian which through half a century have been unrecognized. Other writers have found their keynote in a depreciation of the savage; but the people of Southern Oregon, long ago sated of the Indian, will join the writer in denying to him any useful or civilizable qualities, but will make partial amends by conceding to him--at least to the tribe of Rogue Rivers--bravery and steadfastness on the battlefield, and patience and perseverance in the worst straits to which he was reduced by war. To make a less acknowledgment were to do discredit to the troops by whom the red men were conquered, and to those others who sustained and repelled their assaults during the years of hostility. To render this much of justice to an enemy who can no longer ask it, is befitting, nor does it detract from the credit of the stronger race. It seems a creditable and worthy thing that a man should have so strong a sense of right that, disregarding the feelings of friendship and his own personal prejudices, he could write or read the truth under all circumstances. In an attempt to tell the exact truth this account was composed; in the same spirit may it be read.
    The principal tribes with whom our history has to deal were the Rogue Rivers, Shasta, Klamaths, Modocs and Umpquas. Among the first four are found strong race affinities, and they spoke dialects of the same language. Their localities adjoined, their intercommunication was frequent, and in time of war they often fought side by side. For a detailed description of these savages, see Mr. Bancroft's work on the Native Races of the Pacific Coast, wherein is embraced an enormous quantity of information bearing upon the subject. The four tribes first mentioned abode in the contiguous valleys of the Rogue, Klamath, Shasta and Scott rivers and their affluents, and in the vicinity of Klamath, Tule, Clear and Goose Lakes. The country about the three latter belonging exclusively to the Modocs, whose habitations were mainly in California. The Rogue River Valley was occupied, previous to the advent of the whites, by the powerful and important tribe known by the name of the river. Branches of the tribe, more or less corrupted by intermixture with the neighboring Umpquas and others, lived on the Illinois, Applegate, Big Butte and other tributary streams, always paying to the head chief of the tribe the allegiance customary to the aboriginal headship. Along the Klamath River and about Klamath Lake dwelt a strong tribe, generally known as the Klamaths. The Shastas had their home about the base of the great mountain of that name. These four tribes, apparently equally numerous and powerful, formed, with others, what Bancroft has styled the Klamath family. "This family is in every way superior to the more southern tribes. In physique and character they approached more nearly to the Indians of Eastern Oregon than to the degraded and weak tribes of Central California. The Rogue River Indians were an exception to the general rule of deterioration on approaching the coast, for in their case the tendency to improve toward the north held good; so that they were in many respects superior to those of the interior.
    "The Klamaths formerly were tall, well-made and muscular, with complexions varying from black to light brown, according to their proximity to large bodies of water. Their faces were large, oval and heavily molded, with slightly prominent cheekbones; nose well set and eyes keen and bright. The women were short and sometimes quite handsome, even in a Caucasian sense." Powers, in the Overland Monthly, wrote of the Klamaths: "Their stature is a trifle less than Americans; they have well-sized bodies, strong and well knit. With their smooth skins, oval faces, plump and brilliant eyes, some of the young maidens--barring the tattooed skins--have a piquant and splendid beauty." Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Archæology, says: "Many of the women were exceedingly pretty, having large, almond-shaped eyes, sometimes of a hazel color, and with the red showing through the cheeks. Their figures were full, their chests ample; and the young ones had well-shaped busts and rounded limbs." On the other hand most travelers have failed to remark any special beauty in these tribes, and some have characterized the women as "clumsy, but not ill-favored."
    As for clothing, the men of the Klamath family anciently wore only a belt, sometimes a breechclout, and the women an apron or skirt of deer skin or braided grass. In colder weather they threw over their shoulders a cloak or robe of marten or rabbit skins sewn together, deer skin, or among the coast tribes sea otter or seal skin. They tattooed themselves, the men on the chest and arms, the women on the face in three blue lines extending perpendicularly from the center and corners of the mouth to the chin. In some few localities, more especially near the lakes, the men painted themselves in various colors and grotesque patterns.
    Their houses were of designs common to many tribes. Their winter dwellings, varying with locality, were principally of two forms, conical and square. Those of the former shape prevailed most widely and were thus built: A circular hole, from two to five feet deep and of variable width, was dug. Round this pit or cellar stout poles were driven into the ground, which being drawn together at the top, formed the rafters of the building. A covering of earth several inches deep was placed over the rafters, a hole was left at the top to serve both as door and chimney, to which rude ladders composed of notched poles gave access. Some houses were built of heavy timber forming a beehive-shaped structure. The temporary summer houses of these tribes were square, conical or conoidal in shape, by driving light poles perpendicularly into the ground and laying others across them, or by drawing the upper ends together at the top. Huts having the shape of an inverted bowl were built by driving both ends of poles into the ground. These frames, however shaped, were covered with neatly woven tule matting, or with bushes and ferns. The ground beneath was sometimes scooped out and thrown up in a low circular embankment.
    The men of the tribes were usually practiced hunters. A portion of their food during a great part of the year was the wild game of the forest, and this they approached and captured with considerable adroitness. The elk, too large and powerful to be taken by bows and arrows, was sometimes snared; and the same fate befell the deer and antelope. The bear was far beyond the power of the natives when their only weapons were the bow and arrow, but after their acquisition of the white man's rifle they have hunted bruin with success. The last grizzly bear ever seen west of the Cascades was killed in 1877, by Don Pedro, a Klamath, near White Rock Butte, east of Roseburg.
    Fishing was a more congenial and more productive occupation than hunting. Its results were more certain, and in the prolific waters of the Klamath and Rogue, more abundant as well. Several methods were in vogue for taking fish. Sometimes a dam of interwoven twigs was placed across a rapid so as to intercept the salmon in their periodical visits to deposit their spawn. Within niches suitably contrived the fish collected and were speared. These dams often required an immense amount of work in their construction, especially if upon a large stream. On Rogue River the fish were speared by torchlight in a manner similar to that in use in Canada and the far north. Many trout were taken from small streams by beating the water with brush, whereby the fish were driven into confined spans and dipped out. Bancroft says: "When preserved for winter use, the fish were split open on the back, the bones taken out, and then dried or smoked. Both meat and fish, when eaten fresh, are either broiled on hot stones, or boiled in watertight baskets into which hot stones are thrown to make the water boil. Bread is made of acorns ground to flour in a stone mortar with a heavy stone pestle, and baked in the ashes. Acorn flour is the principal ingredient, but berries of various kinds are usually mixed in, and frequently seasoned with some high-flavored herb. A sort of pudding is also made in the same manner, but it is boiled instead of baked."
    The Indians gathered a great variety of roots, berries and seeds which they made use of for food. The principal root used was the camas, great quantities of which were collected and dried during summer and stored for the coming winter's provision. This is a bulbous root much like an onion, and is familiar to nearly every old resident of Oregon. Another root called kice or kace was held in high esteem; it was bulbous, about an inch long, of a bitterish taste like ginseng. The ip-ar e-pua or e-par root was a prominent article of diet and grew abundantly upon the banks of the Rogue and other rivers. There were several varieties of grass seeds, the huckleberry, blackberry, salmonberry, squawberry, manzanita berry and perhaps others, which entered into the diet of the Indian generally, or as governed by the locality in which they grew. At Klamath Lake the pond lily grows in profusion; and its seeds, called wo-cus by the savages, formed an article of diet of which they were very fond. The women, as is invariably the case among the North American Indians, performed all the work of gathering these comestibles and of preparing them likewise. The men were not in any degree an exception to the general rule of laziness and worthlessness. Their only active days were when in pursuit of game or their enemies. Wars among these Indians were of frequent occurrence, but were hardly ever long or bloody. The casus belli was usually lovely woman. Wicked sorceries inflicted by one people on another were also causes of war. If one tribe obstructed a salmon stream so as to prevent their neighbors above from obtaining a supply of food the act often provoked war. No scalps were taken, but the dead foeman was decapitated--a fate meted out to all male prisoners, while the women and children were spared to be the property of the conquerors.
    Their bows were usually about three feet long, made of yew or some other tough wood; the back was an inch and a half in width and was covered with the sinews of the deer. The arrows were about two feet long, and occasionally thirty inches. They were made of reeds, were feathered and had a tip of obsidian, glass or iron. They often made their arrows in two sections, the front one containing the tip being short and fastened by a socket so contrived as to leave the tip in a wounded animal, while the longer and more valuable feathered section dropped upon the ground and could be found in the fleeing animal's trail. Poisoned arrows seem to have been in use, especially among the Modocs, who used the venom of the rattlesnake for the purpose. They macerated the reptile's head in a deer's liver which, putrefying, absorbed the poison and assumed the virulent character itself. Arrows dipped therein were regarded as capable of producing death. There is no record of these poisoned arrows having been used with fatal effect on a white man, but there is no good reason to suppose that in the absence of remedies a wound of this sort would be otherwise than fatal.
    The Indian women ingeniously plaited grass, tule or fine willow roots into baskets, mats, etc. The baskets constructed for cooking purposes would retain water and were even used as kettles for boiling that fluid. Stones, heated very hot, were thrown into the vessel, whereby heat was communicated to the water. Canoes were made from the trunk of a tree, hollowed out and shaped by means of fire. Pine, fir and cottonwood were the species used, and the completed vessel was blunt at each end, and those made by the Rogue River Indians were flat bottomed. The tree having been felled by burning off, or being found as a windfall, was burned off to the required length and hollowed out by the same agency. Pitch was spread on the portion to be burned away, and a piece of fresh bark served to prevent the flames from spreading too far. These canoes were propelled by means of paddles. Such constructions of course lacked the requisite lightness and grace of the birchbark canoes of the far eastern Indians, nor could they equal them in speed or handiness.
    Canoes, women, weapons of war and the chase, and the skins of animals formed the most valued property of these savages, and were articles of trade. Wealth was estimated in strings of shell money like the wampum of eastern aborigines, but this money was here known as alli-as-chick or ali-qua-chick. This circulating medium was a small white shell, hollow and valued at from five to twenty dollars. Hence the monetary standard of these savages was variable like that of more civilized nations, but was probably a source of less confusion and speculation. White deer skins and the scalps of redheaded woodpeckers seem to have been articles of great estimation, possessing fictitious values depending upon the dictates of fashion. These articles were the insignia of wealth and were (as) sought after by the Indians as sealskin garments and diamonds are affected by the higher classes of white society. "Wives, also, as they had to be purchased, were a sign of wealth, and the owner of many was thereby distinguished above his fellows." To be a chief among the Klamaths or Rogue Rivers presupposed the possession of wealth. Power was not hereditary, and the chief who became too old to govern was summarily deposed. La-lake, the peaceable old chief of the former tribe, was compelled in his later years to give place to a younger man. Each village had a headman who might be styled chief, who held his power in some way subordinate to the main tribal chiefs, but whose actions in most ways were not regulated by the head chief. A new settlement being formed, a chief was elected who held his power until deposed by his subjects or until death removed him. Frequently from a multiplicity of candidates for the chiefship two were chosen, who together administered the affairs of the tribe, the divided authority appearing to have been consistent with peace and friendliness. One of the two was usually styled peace chief, the other war chief. A well-known example of this is seen in Sam and Joe, brothers, and respectively war chief and peace chief of the Rogue Rivers. However, it does not appear that the duties of the two were in any case divided, or that the occurrence of war necessitated the intermission of the peace chief's authority. As the case of the two chiefs mentioned, Joe, probably a more skillful warrior, assumed the conduct of warfare in 1853, and possibly in 1851, though the latter fact is not fully ascertained.
    The Indians of Southern Oregon and Northern California were a filthy race, viewed from a Caucasian standpoint, but probably did not surpass other aborigines in that respect. Their habits of life were such as to render them subject to parasites of all sorts, so much so that an Indian deprived of the presence of pediculus would be an anomaly. "The Rogue Rivers bathed daily; yet they brought out with them the dirt which encased their bodies when they went in. Their heavy, long and thickly matted hair afforded refuge for vermin which their art could not remove. To destroy in some measure this plague they were in the habit of burning their houses occasionally and rebuilding with fresh materials."
    The Umpqua region and the coast between the Siuslaw and Coos Bay were inhabited by the Umpquas and minor related tribes. These possessed many tribal divisions of which the names have mostly perished. Ultimately they belonged to the extensive family called by Bancroft the Chinooks, a division of the Columbians so-called. Anciently the Umpquas were a tribe of importance and strength, though individually far inferior to the Klamath family. This is true in regard to physique and mental qualities. In stature the men rarely exceeded five and a half feet nor the women five feet. Both sexes were heavily and loosely built, and were much deformed by their squatting position, and had every appearance of degeneration. Their faces were broad and round, their nostrils large, the mouth wide and thick-lipped, teeth irregular, countenance void of expression and vivacity, yet often regular.
    As to clothing, the Umpquas were not in any way peculiar. The men wore no covering in fair or warm weather, but in severe seasons adopted a garment made of the skins of animals. Females wore a skirt of cedar fibers fastened around the waist and hanging to the knees. In cold weather they wrapped a robe of sea otter or other skins about the body.
    Fish formed a staple article of diet with the Umpquas, salmon and salmon trout being the principal varieties, which were, and still are, abundant in the Umpqua River and its tributaries during certain seasons. The fish, being caught in some approved Indian fashion, was roasted before fires. Being cut into convenient-sized portions, it was impaled on a pointed stick, first being stuck through with splinters to prevent it from falling to pieces. Thus broiled, the fresh salmon or trout formed a very welcome and toothsome addition to their limited cuisine.
    In times before the coming of the whites the Rogue Rivers and Shastas had frequent wars with the Umpquas, but finally, through mutual interest, effected a coalition. From this time the power of the latter tribe began to wane. In the decade ending in 1850, the Klickitats, a powerful and restless tribe from beyond the Columbia, entered the Umpqua Valley, having conquered all the Indians whom they met in the Willamette Valley, and subjected the Umpquas also to defeat. They occupied a portion of the latter's country and became the dominant tribe northward of the Rogue River Valley. The Klickitats were equally renowned in trade and war, and their services were in request by the whites at various times when other tribes were to be fought. In 1851 sixty Klickitat warriors, well mounted and armed, offered themselves to assist in the war against the Rogue Rivers, but their presence was not desired. Similar to these were the Des Chutes, a small but active tribe, who, under their chief, Sem-tes-tis, made expeditions for purposes of war or barter from their homes east of the Cascades as far as Yreka, where, in 1854, they assisted the whites against the Shastas. In some of their characteristics the Klickitats irresistibly bring to mind the early Jews, whose migrations, success in war and love of barter form strong points of resemblance to this Indian tribe's peculiarities. Some few of the Klickitats yet remain in the eastern part of Douglas County, where they own and till farms, and are useful members of that community.
    As regards the origin of these tribes, only conjecture is at hand. Not enough is known on that topic to serve for the foundation of a respectable hypothesis, although the common origin of all North American tribes has been taken for granted. From facts which have come under his notice, Judge Rosborough, formerly Indian agent in Northern California, is of the opinion that there have been three lines of aboriginal migration southward through Southern Oregon and Northern California, namely: one by the coast, dispersing toward the interior; secondly, that along the Willamette Valley, crossing the Calapooia Mountains and the Umpqua and Rogue rivers, Shasta and Scott valleys; the other wave coming up the Des Chutes River and peopling the vicinity of the lakes. As an evidence of the second movement it is known that all the tribes inhabiting the region referred to spoke the same language and confederated against their neighbors, particularly the Pit River Indians, who arrested their course in the south. The traditions of the Shastas show they had driven a tribe out of their habitation and occupied it themselves.
    The Klamaths have been known among themselves and surrounding tribes as Muck-a-lucks, Klamaths, Klamets, Luuami (their own name), and Tlamath. The Rogue Rivers, according to various authorities, called themselves To-to-ten, Tutatamy, Totutime, Tootouni, Tootooton, Tutoten, Tototin, Tutotutna, and Too-toot-na; all of which may be regarded as the same word, uttered variously by individuals of different tribes, and reproduced in writing as variously. For the purposes of this history their ordinary designation, Rogue Rivers, will be adopted, inasmuch as they have attained a celebrity under that name, and as it in consequence conveys a readier meaning than either of the native words the use of which, in addition, carries a suspicion of pedantry. Tribal designations among the Indians, it is to be observed, were and are exceedingly indefinite and troublesome to the student. For example: tribes of restricted numbers frequently call themselves by the name of their head chief; and the tribal name is frequently used indifferently with that of the chief. The Klamaths for a time called themselves, and were called by their white neighbors, La-lakes. Their principal chief also bore that name, and by it was known to a large part of the state. The name, beyond doubt, is la-lac--meaning, in French, the lake, and was applied by French or Canadian travelers or trappers, in allusion to the great Klamath Lakes, upon whose shores these people dwelt. Adopted by the natives, this foreign word was applied to the tribe and to the great peace chief, who became in his day the most eminent of his race. The habit of loosely applying their designations has made the study of Indian traditions and history very difficult indeed, and is probably the most fruitful source of error which presents itself in the pursuit of aboriginal archaeology.

    It is pertinent to the subject to introduce here the account of Jedediah S. Smith's remarkable trip through Southern Oregon, from California to the Hudson's Bay Company's settlements at Vancouver. It will thus be seen that the spirit of hostility against the whites was developed at the very moment of the latter's first appearance in the country; and we shall see that this spirit of hostility was kept alive until the Indians' expulsion from the country, twenty-eight years after. (For full details of this affair see pages 118 to 122 of this volume.)
    The evidence shows that Smith followed the coast line in his first trip northward to Cape Arago, and doubtless he with his two companions continued along the coast as far as the Columbia, for the interior he could have known nothing of, since even the Hudson's Bay people had not made explorations in that direction. While everyone accords to Smith the distinction of having led the first white men into Southern Oregon, there is much left to conjecture in regard to numerous important details of his passage. The exact spot where his camp was destroyed by Indians is not known, nor its approximate situation. Certain manuscripts ascribe an island in (or near) the Umpqua as the place of the tragedy; while others mention Cape Arago as the locality in question. The fact that an important tributary of the Umpqua has been named Smith River does not settle the question, while from certain facts, the presumption is in favor of Cape Arago. At any rate the Umpqua Indians (who are well known to have inhabited the vicinity of the mouth of that river) are characterized by an indisposition to acts of violence, while the natives of Coos Bay, and more particularly of the Coquille country, achieved quite a reputation as murderers of stray parties of whites, as will appear in another part of this book. These considerations render it likely that Smith's party was attacked at some point further south than the generally accepted locality, though the question--an interesting one--deserves and should receive full investigation.
    Under such circumstances Southern Oregon began to become known to the world, and for a long series of years remained unsettled by civilized men, the only objects of the few white persons who entered its bounds being the pursuit of fur-bearing animals or else urged through these dangerous solitudes by the exigencies of travel. The Hudson's Bay Company's agents were quick to take advantage of the information brought by Smith, and parties of hunters and trappers were sent forth to systematically explore and in some sense occupy the country. This occupation extended no farther than the construction of a permanent post at the junction of Elk Creek and the Umpqua River, where Elkton is now situated. This post, called Fort Umpqua, served as the headquarters of the company's employees throughout the section embracing the Umpqua, Rogue, Klamath and Upper Sacramento rivers.
    In June, [1835], as is credibly told, a party of whites, including George Gay, well known in Oregon's early history, Daniel Miller, Edward Barnes, Dr. Bailey, J. Turner, and his squaw, ------ Sanders and ------ Woodworth, and a man known as Irish Tom, were attacked near the mouth of Foots Creek (below Rock Point) on Rogue River, and Miller, Sanders, Barnes and Irish Tom were killed, while the others, badly wounded, made their escape. As narrated by J. W. Nesmith, in Transactions of Oregon Pioneers, 1882, the circumstances were as follows: "The party was under the leadership of Turner and was on a trapping expedition. About the middle of June they were encamped at the Point of Rocks (Rock Point) on the south bank of Rogue River. Several hundred Indians dropped into camp, but Turner thinking there was no danger took no precautions, and the natives most unexpectedly attacked the party with clubs, bows and knives. They got possession of three of the eight guns with which the whites were armed, and for a time the trappers fought them with firebrands, clubbed guns and whatever came handy. Turner, a big Kentucky giant, seized a fir limb from the fire and fought lustily. He released Gay who was held down by the savages, and finally the assailants were driven from the camp. Dan Miller and another trapper were killed on the spot, while the six survivors were all more or less wounded. The latter took to the brush, and without horses and deprived of all the guns but two, traveled, fighting Indians by day and walking by night, making their way northward. Dr. Bailey was wounded by a tomahawk blow which had cleft his chin. Sanders' wounds disabled him from traveling, and he was left on the South Umpqua, while "Big Tom" (Irish Tom) was left on the North Umpqua. The Indians reported to Dr. McLoughlin, of the Hudson's Bay Company, that both men soon died of their wounds where they were left. Turner, Gay, Woodworth and Dr. Bailey ultimately reached the settlement on the Willamette.
    Two years later, or in 1837, a party of Oregonians proceeded to California to buy cattle to drive to the Willamette. They secured a drove, and returning passed through the Umpqua and Rogue River valleys. The party was composed in part of Ewing Young, the leader; P. L. Edwards, who kept a diary of the trip; Hawchurst, Carmichael, Bailey, Erequette, DesPau, B. Williams, Tibbetts, Gay, Wood, Camp, and about eight others, all frontiersmen of experience. While encamped at the Klamath, on the fourteenth of September, 1837, Gay and Bailey shot an Indian who had come peaceably into camp. This act was in revenge for the affair at Foots Creek, but that locality had not by any means been reached, and the Indians' crime of 1835 was revenged on an individual who, perhaps, had not heard of the event. The act was deeply resented by the Indians throughout the whole section, and the party met with the greatest difficulty in continuing their course. On the seventeenth of the same month they encamped at Foots Creek, and on the next morning sustained a serious attack of the savages, narrated thus in the diary of Edwards:
    "SEPTEMBER 18.--Moved about sunrise. Indians were soon observed running along the mountain on our right. There could be no doubt but that they were intending to attack us at some difficult pass. Our braves occasionally fired on them when there was a mere possibility of doing any execution. About twelve o'clock, while we were in a stony and brushy pass between the river (Rogue River) on our right, and a mountain covered with wood on our left, firing and yelling in front announced an attack. Mr. Young, apprehensive of an attack at this pass, had gone in advance to examine the brush and ravine, and returned without seeing Indians. In making further search he found them posted on each side of the road. After firing of four guns, the forward cattle having halted, and myself having arrived with the rear, I started forward, but orders met me from Mr. Young that no one should leave the cattle, he feeling able, with the two or three men already with him, to rout the Indians. In the struggle Gay was wounded in the back by an arrow. Two arrows were shot into the riding horse of Mr. Young, while he was snapping his gun at an Indian not more than ten yards off. To save his horse, he had dismounted and beat him on the head, but he refused to go off, and received two arrows, probably shot at his master. Having another brushy place to pass, four or five of us went in advance, but were not molested. Camped at the spot where Turner and party were attacked two years ago. Soon after the men on day guard said they had seen three Indians in a small grove about three hundred yards from camp. About half of the party went, surrounded the grove, some of them fired into it, others passed through it, but could find no Indians. At night all the horses nearly famished as they were tied up. Night set in dark, cloudy and threatening rain, so that the guard could hardly have seen an Indian ten paces off, until the moon rose, about ten o'clock. I was on watch the first half of the night."
    Here Mr. Edwards' diary breaks off, leaving untold much of interest to the general reader. As regards the skirmish at Foots Creek, just narrated, there is a doubt of it were it not succeeded by still more severe ones, inasmuch as the record of Wilkes' exploring expedition suggests further calamities to Young's company. Lieutenant Emmons, U.S.N., commanded a detachment of Wilkes' expedition, which left Vancouver for Yerba Buena, in September, 1841, J. D. Dana, the great scientist, being of the party, as well as Tibbetts, who was with the Young party. This man informed his new associates that the Young expedition was defeated by the Indians who killed one white, and wounded two others who died when they reached the Umpqua. "He showed great anxiety to take his revenge on them, but no opportunity offered, for our party had no other difficulty than scrambling up steep paths and through thick shrubbery."
    In the work just referred to the natives about the Oregon-California line are spoken of as "bad Indians"--as if that were their common designation. Hence, we infer that they had, even at that date, acquired a sustained reputation for hostility to the whites. Such a name does not afford any clue to their real character, however, but only suggests a spirit of opposition to the whites with whom they came in contact. This opposition probably in most cases took the form of hostility. On other and more occasions it may not have exceeded that form of independence known to the early settlers as "insolence." This, be it remarked, was a favorite word with certain whites and infinitely recurs in the accounts of the early contests. It is only by the context that one can judge what the expression really signifies. To characterize an Indian as insolent, in certain cases, meant that he was on the point of murder, at others that he had refused to allow white men to outrage his family. Such expression of independence or freedom or even of self-defense were all included in the then comprehensive term "insolence." Concerning the years preceding 1850 there is a dearth of information, whence not only are we unable to array many facts, but the power of drawing inferences pertaining to what is known is lost, whereby a discussion of the aboriginal character in the light of the earlier events is impossible.
    In May, 1845, J. C. Fremont, with his exploring expedition, arrived in Southern Oregon, having come up the Sacramento and Pit River valleys, and traveled by way of Goose, Clear, and Tule Lakes to the west shore of Klamath Lake, where he camped for a few days. His force consisted of about fifty men. On the ninth of May, Samuel Neal and M. Sighler rode into camp with the information that a United States officer was on their trail with dispatches, and would fall a victim to savages if not rescued, the two messengers having escaped only by the fleetness of their horses. Taking five trappers, four friendly Indians and the two messengers, Fremont hastened to the rescue, and at sundown met Lieutenant Gillespie, guided by Peter Lassen and bearing dispatches from the United States government to Fremont. The place of meeting was sixty miles from Fremont's camp on the lake, which they had left in the morning. They camped that night in the Modoc country, near Klamath Lake, and then it was that the savage Modocs committed the first of the long series of hostile acts which have marked their dealings with the whites. Exhausted as they were, the men lay down to sleep without setting a guard. The Modocs were not slow to take advantage of the opportunity. Late in the night, the watchful Kit Carson heard a dull, heavy thud as of a falling blow, and called to Basil La Jeunesse, who was sleeping on the other side of the campfire, to know what was the matter. Getting no answer, and seeing moving figures he cried, "Indians, Indians!" and seized his rifle. Quickly, the trappers, Lucian Maxwell, Richard Owens, Alex. Godey and Steppenfelt, with Carson rushed to the aid of the man attacked. The Indian chief was killed and his followers fled, but La Jeunesse, Denne, an Iroquois and Crain, a Delaware, were dead. This camp was on Hot Creek, in Siskiyou County, California.
    An examination of the trail in the morning showed that the attacking party numbered about twenty, and Lieutenant Gillespie recognized the dead chief as an Indian who had on the preceding morning given him a fine fish, the first food he had tasted for forty hours. On the eleventh of May Fremont left his main camp and started for California, to begin the war of independence which resulted in its conquest by the United States. A detachment of about fifteen men was left at the scene of the midnight attack to punish the perpetrators should they return to it. Two Modocs were killed and scalped there, and the men rejoined the main party. Ten men of the advance guard, under Kit Carson, came suddenly upon an Indian village on the east bank of Klamath Lake, and charged into it at once, killing many braves and burning the rancheria, but sparing the women and children. Years afterward a Modoc chief related these occurrences to Lindsay Applegate, and in response to questions, said the Indians made the attack on Fremont because these were the first white men who came into the country, and they wanted to kill them to deter others from coming.
    Even prior to the Fremont explorations considerable migration to and from California began to take place through Southern Oregon. As yet there were few people settled south of the Willamette Valley, whence came the greater number of the travelers, and the route was a very dangerous and difficult one. Time and distance had even magnified the sufficiently dangerous character of the Indians, and it required a considerable degree of daring to venture upon the journey. However, no dangers could have daunted such travelers as in 1848-9-50 set out for California, intent upon mining, although their passage through this region was usually attended with fighting and many times with loss of life. Tradition relates the murders of several men near Foots Creek and the robbery of their camp wherein was gold to the value of many thousand dollars; but the time, place and names are inextricably confused. Of course all travelers went heavily armed, and as far as possible in strong numbers. J. W. Nesmith, in a letter to the compiler of this account, says: "I first saw Southern Oregon in 1848, when, with thirty-two companions, I set out from Polk County to go through to California. The Indians were all hostile from the Umpqua Mountains to the valley of the Sacramento, and there was not a day during our march between these two points that we did not exchange shots with them, though we had no engagement with them that could be called a battle."
    In August, 1850, two packers, Cushing and Prink, were killed on the banks of the Klamath River near where the ferry was afterwards established. Their train was taken and their cargo destroyed by Shasta Indians.
    In January, 1851, a conflict occurred at Blackburn's ferry on the Klamath, in which James Sloan, Jenalshan and Bender were killed by savages, presumably Klamaths. Blackburn and his wife defended their house until help arrived and the Indians fled. On examining the neighborhood of the ferry, the body of Blackburn's father was most unexpectedly found, he having come in the evening to visit his son whom he had not seen for years, and met his death almost at the threshold, at the hands of the besiegers. Some two weeks later a party of white men from the ferry went in pursuit of the hostiles and shot two Indians, one, a squaw, being killed by mistake while in a canoe. The same party, being in the vicinity of Happy Camp, attacked a rancheria of Eurocs (downriver Klamaths) and killed every male inhabitant and two females. One of the attacking party was killed. This action is called the Lowden's ferry fight. During the following May, four miners were killed on Grave Creek and Rogue River, whose names are unknown. Mosin and McKee (otherwise called Reaves) were at about the same date killed on the Klamath.

    The events narrated in the last chapter mainly occurred prior to the settlement of Southern Oregon, which we may conveniently date from the spring of 1851. We now come to consider occurrences which took place during the following years, when the country was being rapidly peopled, in consequence partly of the discovery of gold placers in the Rogue River country, and where a state of feverish excitement existed, consequent upon the rapid growth of population and other serious causes. It was in the spring of 1851 that these gold discoveries took place whose repeated occurrence attracted thousands to these valleys. The news of the first "find" drew other prospectors who, advancing into the previously untrodden wilds, speedily found other rich deposits, and so within a few short months it was learned that the precious metal existed on the banks of innumerable streams draining extensive regions. At the same time numerous discoveries were being made in Northern California, and a constant succession of travelers passed north and south on the way to the Sacramento and Shasta valleys, or homeward to the Willamette with a filled purse, or perhaps with defeated hopes and an empty pocket. The mines about Yreka were being worked, and a busy swarm of men, estimated by some at above 2,000, were digging for gold. Adventurous prospectors had spread themselves over a vast region, and toward every point of the compass. All the affluents of the Sacramento, Shasta, Trinity, Scott, Pit, Rogue and Umpqua were infested by busy men with pick and pan, and the auriferous wealth of the country speedily became known. In June of 1850, Dollarhide and party discovered the Scott River placers, but abandoned them from fear of the Indians and from other causes. Soon after came Scott and party who made additional discoveries, the news of which was speedily circulated, bringing many miners to the spot. General Joseph Lane arrived on the headwaters of the river in February, 1851, and set about gold digging in company with his own party of Oregonians. By the tacit consent of whites and natives alike (but as some have said by the intercession of Chief Tolo) the General became a sort of mediator in their differences; and kept both parties in harmony throughout his stay on the river. The Indians of that vicinity, belonging to the Shasta tribe, were very numerous, but were divided into several bands. They occupied Shasta and Scott valleys, and the banks of the Klamath River adjacent. They had been separated from the Rogue Rivers only recently, owing to the death of their principal chief. There is no doubt that these two tribes were one and undivided previously, but now they were broken up and formed several communities, each with its own chief. At Yreka old Tolo was chief, an always firm friend and ally of the whites; in Scott Valley Tyee John, a son of the deceased head chief, was supreme; in Shasta Valley, Tyee Jim; on the Klamath, Tyee Bill; on the Siskiyou Mountains and about the head of the Applegate, Tipsu (commonly called Tipsie) Tyee ("bearded or hairy chief"). On Rogue River were gathered the Indians who bore that name, numbering, according to the best evidence, about 600 souls. They were broken up into tribal communities of greater or less importance, and, as before remarked, all owed a quasi allegiance to Joe and Sam, chiefs of the Table Rock band, the main division of the tribe. On Applegate Creek dwelt Chief John, a redoubtable warrior who properly fills more space in history than any other Oregon Indian, excepting, perhaps, Kam-a-i-a-kun, the celebrated warrior of the Yakimas, and Peo-peo-mux-mux, the great chief of the Walla Wallas. John's clan, the Ech-ka-taw-a, was numerically small; not more than fifty braves followed him to war, but these, under such a leader, more than made up for lack of numbers, by courage, strategy, and indomitable perseverance. We shall have much to say of this wily and sagacious chief, when treating of the events of the war of 1855-56. Another prominent Indian was Limpy--so called by the whites--who was of the Haw-quo-e-hav-took, a rather more numerous band, dwelling in the region drained by the Illinois River. His character was well known to the whites, by reason of his taking part in hostilities against them on all possible occasions. The acts of Limpy and John have become in a great measure confounded in most people's recollections, and to the Illinois Indians are attributed many acts and exploits of which the blame or credit should be given to the Applegate band. George, another and less prominent subchief, dwelt upon the Rogue River below Vannoy's ferry. His people united on occasion with those of Limpy, and together made up an active and dangerous force.
    In the vicinity of Table Rock dwelt the subtribe of Indians previously alluded to as the band of Sam and Joe, which will be further referred to under the name of the Table Rock band. Their home was upon the banks of the Rogue River, and in the midst of a pleasant country, fruitful in game, roots, seeds and acorns, while in the river, at the proper season, salmon swarmed by the thousand. They derived an easy and abundant living from the advantageous surroundings and were the dominant band of the tribe. Their number probably reached at one time 500 souls; but in addition quite a number of Indians of other tribes were settled within the valley and through some consideration of Indian polity gave their adhesion to the Table Rock chiefs and were in effect a part of their people. This band was ever regarded with jealousy by the whites until their removal to a distant reservation in 1856; but with little cause, as will be shown in the following pages. We shall have occasion to set forth the comparative superiority of this particular band and of their chiefs in matters of civility, good faith, and regard for their engagements. The people of Jackson County still have lively memories of many of these Indians, particularly of the two chiefs. They tell that the twain were tall and stately men, Sam somewhat portly, the other of a more slender build, but alike in having massive heads and relatively intellectual foreheads. In the late years of their stay at Table Rock they dressed in "Boston" style, wearing tall hats, etc. Their manners were said not to be inferior to those of the ordinary miner or farmer. These comparatively intelligent and teachable Indians wielded a great influence among the surrounding tribes at a time when the utmost revengeful feelings had been excited against the whites. The Indian name of Joe was Aps-er-ka-ha, as is discovered on perusing the text of the Table Rock treaty of 1853, and from the same source we learn that Sam's name was To-gun-he-a; and a less important chief named by the whites Jim, was in Too-too-tenni (the Rogue River language) called Ana-cha-ara. As the before-mentioned chiefs were the most prominent actors on the part of the Indians in the ensuing wars, further mention of them is deferred to its appropriate place.
    In 1854 a census was taken of the entire inhabitants of the upper portion of Rogue River Valley, from which the following figures are extracted. The Indians were in this enumeration divided into two classes--those who accepted the provisions of the Lane treaty of 1853, and the outside or non-reservation Indians. Of the former the Table Rock band numbered seventy-six persons; John's band, fifty-three; the combined people of George and Limpy, eighty-one; making a total of 307 Indians of both sexes and all ages, gathered upon the reservation at Table Rock. Of these, 108 were men. The non-treaty Indians comprised Elijah's band of ninety-four; the "Old Applegates" (probably Tipsu Tyee's people), numbering thirty-nine; Taylor's band and the Indians of Jumpoff Joe Creek, sixty strong; and forty-seven remaining on the Illinois River; total, 240; of whom seventy-two were men. Thus the total Indian population of the upper portion of the Rogue River country was 547--a number that will seem disproportionately small to those who are in any degree familiar with the history of their actions. To this estimate Agent Culver added twenty-five percent, as representing the number of alien or foreign Indians who might be found at any time with or near the bands named. There is reason to believe that the stranger Indians at times exceeded this large estimate, especially in time of hostilities.
    The best evidence exists to show that the Indian population of the valley suffered very serious diminution between the years 1854 and 1855. What the extent of this decrease was, or how long its causes had been in operation is not ascertainable. It is a very common expression with the earlier white settlers that the Indians were much more numerous at first. Agent Culver remarked that the loss to the "treaty Indians," collected at Table Rock reservation, amounted during the first twelve months to not less than one-fourth of their whole number. Among the several strong bands of Indians resident in the Grave Creek, Wolf Creek and Jumpoff Joe region, the mortality was still greater; and those intractable bands, dangerous enemies of the whites (they spoke the Umpqua language but were not of that blood), were nearly blotted out of existence.
    This theory of the diminution of the Indians will help to explain the apparently monstrous exaggerations of those who first battled with the Rogue Rivers--an exaggeration inexplicable on any other hypothesis. Thus, Major Kearny, writing to his superior officers concerning an engagement, professes to have been opposed by from 300 to 500 Indians. Many such statements might be adduced, which with the above theory are mutually supporting, though they do not rest on the same class of evidence by any means.
    The position in which these Indians found themselves at the era of the rapid influx of white men was anomalous. They were suddenly surrounded by a white population largely exceeding their own numbers, engaged in the pursuit of gold. Nor was this white population of a character to enable the Indians to remain in quiet. Ordinary observation speaks loudly to the contrary. Says J. Ross Browne, "The earliest comers were a wild, reckless and daring race of men, trappers and hunters, whose intercourse with the Indians was not calculated to afford them a high opinion of Americans as a people." These remarks were intended to apply to the travelers who came prior to the discovery of gold. With a slight modification they will apply perfectly to a very large number of subsequent arrivals. Concerning the character of the general white population in 1851-6, nothing need be said. Men of all ranks in life and of all conceivable characters were there. There is no occasion to go into raptures over the generosity, magnanimity and bravery of the better sort, nor to enter upon a long description of the vices of the worse. Good men were there and bad. The same vicious qualities which characterized the ruffian in more settled communities marked his career in this, except that circumstances may have given him a better chance here to display himself. "A majority of white persons came to the country with kind feelings for the Indians and not wishing to injure them; but there also came many having opposite sentiments." This sentence sets forth the condition of affairs as forcibly as if it were expanded into a volume. A portion were ready to do the Indian harm, and circumstances never could have been more favorable to their malice. Law and justice were not; and whenever and wherever a white man's lust or love of violence led him then and there an outrage was perpetrated. Public sentiment today admits the truth of the strongest general charges of this nature; and the venerable pioneer tottering perhaps on the edge of the grave says sadly--"The Indians suffered many a grievous wrong at our hands; unmentionable wrongs, they were, of which no man shall ever hear more." Because these Indians were poor, because they were ignorant, and because they were aliens, society frowned on them, justice ignored them, the United States government neglected to protect them, and they were left a prey to the worst passions of the worst of men. To again quote, "Miscreants, regardless of sex or age, slaughter poor, weak, defenseless Indians with impunity. There are no means for agents to prevent it or punish it. There are many well-disposed persons, but they are silent through fear or some other cause," etc. These are the words of Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon. In continuation of the subject, J. L. Parrish, Indian agent at Port Orford, said: "Many of the Indians have been killed merely on suspicion that they would rise and avenge their own wrongs, or for petty threats that have been made against lawless white men for debauching their women; and I believe in no single instance have the Indians been aggressors." The Oregon Statesman, of September 27, 1853, contained this language, which is all the more striking as being published at a time when to utter a word in favor of the Indians was to court unpopularity: "Some of the whites are reckless and imprudent men, who expected passive submission from the natives under any treatment, while the latter have never had any correct idea of the policy of our government in relation to their race, and consequently regard all whites as lawless intruders endeavoring to despoil them."
    It is useless to multiply incidents and quotations with the single view of showing the immediate cause of the Indian wars. Those who wish to investigate more fully the subject of outrages by whites on Indians will do well to consult the various governmental reports of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and other like publications; but let it be taken for granted at once that the newspapers will afford no evidence of the kind sought. Nor should the evidence of the regular army or other government officers be accepted as conclusive. There is as much of prejudice and downright untruthfulness in certain official reports on the conduct of the Indian wars of Southern Oregon as could well be found in any newspaper. We behold, at the close of the final hostilities with the Indians (war of 1855-6), the inglorious spectacle of a renowned general engaged in a wordy and abusively personal contest with certain civilians, respecting the comparative merit of the regulars and the volunteers in bringing the war to a close. This unseemly quarrel between General Wool and the citizens of Oregon and Washington territories hinged upon the very least of all the results of those memorable months of fighting, yet these wordy hostilities continued throughout many years, and their echoes are hardly yet died away. To burden history with grave discussions of such matters is not at all the intention of the present writer; and those who would inform themselves upon the subject matter of the Wool-Curry-Stevens dispute should seek it in the files of the newspapers of the date of 1856 and subsequently.
    To subserve some hidden political or pecuniary purpose, the legislature of Oregon once procured the publication of a list of persons murdered by Indians prior to 1858. That this list was inaccurate, incomplete and unreliable did not affect the purpose of its publication. It probably assisted in carrying the measure as intended, and thus far was of use. But that publication has done more to create unjust and erroneous impressions regarding the Indian wars than aught else. All the newspaper pathos concerning the blood of our slaughtered friends, all the speeches of demagogues trying to make political capital by playing upon men's vanity, never could have appealed to the feelings as does that simple list, containing, without circumstance, the names of perhaps 200 persons killed within the boundaries of Oregon. It is a pity that for purposes of comparison we have not a similar list giving the names of Indians who have been murdered by white men. The total would be at least convincing.
    Returning to our subject of the immediate causes of the wars, we find ourselves under the necessity of quoting from the words of General Sam Houston: "The outbreaks of Indians are always preceded by greater outrages on the part of the whites." There was a very peculiar yet probably common class of outrages inflicted on the Indians that seem more particularly to illustrate the words of the venerable speaker. These outrages were upon women; and although we cannot suppose that the savage heart was capable of feeling all the severe emotions which under such circumstances would agitate the breast of a white man so wronged in the person of his wife, still there is no reason to doubt the gravity of such a matter to them. It may well be taken for granted that such outrages were of not uncommon occurrence. The debauchery of the Indian women was an accompanying circumstance, and doubtless the two nearly identical facts had an important bearing on the relation of the races.
    The scheme upon which the writer will endeavor to arrange the evidence bearing on this topic divides such evidence into--first, that bearing upon the tone of public sentiment during the years of hostilities; second, the remarkable change in public opinion during the subsequent years; third, the opinions of intelligent and reliable living actors in the wars; fourth, contemporary evidence contained in newspapers, manuscripts, etc.; fifth, the unjust terrorism of opponents of the war. The ordinary, or what may be termed the patriotic, view of the cause, remote and immediate, of the war, rests upon opinion only, and presents no stronger grounds than--first, the public consension of opinion of the Indian character; second, traditions concerning the facts of the war; and third, one-sided newspaper reports.
    Having suggested the most important immediate causes of the war, let us imagine that these causes have produced their inevitable effects, and that open hostilities exist. In such a case it is manifest that the ignoble causes would sink from sight, while public attention would become engrossed by the more important actual condition of affairs; and practical measures rather than theoretical speculation would be the order of the day. The varying feelings of all white inhabitants would become merged in a desire to speedily conquer, and possibly to exterminate their enemies. These would be the inevitable results, and we might expect those who previously had been the most conservative and sympathetic to manifest the greatest vigor and enthusiasm on attacking the savages. The population then, we have abundant reason for saying, would become unanimous upon the breaking out of an Indian war. There would have existed a constant though indefinite dread of Indian retaliation among nearly all classes, and this feeling would have assumed a more serious import to men of family and to those who inhabited exposed places. By degrees this wearing annoyance would have become intensified, and the habit of expecting evil would have become, in the less steadfast minds, actually insupportable. The feeling then, we are assured, would have merged into one of deadly hostility towards Indians in general. It is difficult for us, in the calmness of everyday life, to conceive the feverish intensity of excitement to which man may be wrought when the animal energies of his nature converge to a point, and the buoyancy of strength and courage reciprocates the influences of anxiety and solicitude. We shall see the bearing of these remarks in treating of the beginning of the war of 1855-6, where they apply with distinguished force to the noted Lupton case. Thus we may believe it was less the actual Indian outrages that inspired the whites to violence than the soul-harrowing expectation of them. In corroboration of these views we find S. H. Culver, Indian agent at Table Rock, expressing himself as follows; "The feeling of hostility displayed by both parties would be almost impossible to realize except by personal observation. Worthy men of standing entertained sentiments of bitter hostility entirely at variance with their general disposition."
    The consideration of the causes of an Indian war divides itself naturally, as has been inferred, into two parts, namely: The immediate cause or causes, and the remote cause. Of the two, the latter is, from its generality, incomparably the more interesting and important, but its discussion leads ultimately to a train of philosophical speculations not in consonance with ordinary conceptions of history, and of interest to a very slight proportion of readers. The student of American history, casting his eyes upon the records of the settlement of this land, observes the multifarious accounts of Indian wars, and remarking their similarity in cause and effect, instinctively assigns them to a single primary cause, sufficiently comprehensive and effective to have produced them. It would be unphilosophical to ascribe the cause of these innumerable yet similar wars to the isolated acts of individuals, although we may credit the latter with their immediate production. The primary cause, says one, is the progress of civilization, to which the Indians are normally opposed. As otherwise stated, the cause is the result of immigration and settlement, which are also in opposition to the wish of the Indians. Another authority states it thus: "The encroachments of a superior upon an inferior race." These three propositions appear to set forth three different consequences of a universal truth, but by no means the primary truth itself. Probably the fundamental reason could be found in race differences, or still more likely in some psychological principle akin to that by which men are led to inflict death by preference upon the wilder animals, manifesting less hostility as species prove more tameable. Races are antagonized though mere facial differences; and probably the principle, however it should be stated, enters into the actions and prejudices of even the most civilized and tolerant nations to an unsuspected extent.
    Finally, if we sum up the opinions brought out by close study of all the phases of the question as to the origin of the war, it seems an unavoidable result of the analogy of the various Indian wars, that hostilities in Southern Oregon were unavoidable under any circumstances attainable at the time, inasmuch as there existed no Quaker colony headed by a William Penn to peacefully and wisely uphold law and order. Second, the immediate causes of the wars were due to the bad conduct of both parties, but were chiefly caused by the injudicious and unjust acts of reckless or lawless and treacherous white men. After a careful examination of the following pages, the unprejudiced reader will probably acknowledge that these conclusions are stated in singularly moderate and dispassionate language.

    About May 15, 1851, a party of three white packers and two supposed friendly Indians camped about thirty miles south of the Rogue River crossing, probably near the site of Phoenix. During the night the two savages arose, and taking the only gun owned by the party, shot and killed one Dilley, and then fled, carrying away the mules and packs. The other two whites escaped, and spread the news of the murder. Captain Long, of Portland, then mining near Shasta Butte City (Yreka), raised a company of thirty men to correct the savages, and proceeding north, encountered at some undesignated place a party of them. These they attacked, killing two and capturing four, of whom two were the daughters of the chief. The latter were held as hostages.
    Probably in nearly the same locality, and certainly within the Rogue River Valley, several other hostile occurrences took place, which are casually mentioned in the public prints of that time. On the first of June, 1851, a band of Indians had attacked twenty-six prospectors, but withdrew, doing no damage. On June second four men were attacked and robbed of their mules and packs while on the way to the mines. On the same day and nearby, Nichols' pack train was robbed of several animals and packs, and one man was hit in the heel by a bullet. Other travelers were beset at about the same time and place, one train losing, it was reported, four men. Says the Statesman: "The provisions stolen by these Indians were left untouched, because a Mr. Turner, of St. Louis, had killed several of them by allowing them to rob him of poisoned provisions (sixteen or seventeen years before)." On June third a party of thirty-two Oregonians under Dr. James McBride, and including also A. M. Richardson, of San Jose, California; James Barlow and Captain Turpin, of Clackamas County; Jesse Dodson and his son, aged fourteen years; Aaron Payne and Dillard Holman, of Yamhill County; and Jesse Runnels, Presley Lovelady, and Richard Sparks, of Polk County; had a severe fight with the Indians near "Green Willow Springs, about twenty miles the other side of Rogue River crossing." At daybreak they were attacked by a party of Rogue River Indians under Chief Chucklehead, as he was called by some whites. The assailed party had seventeen guns, the assailants about as many, the most of the latter being armed with bows and arrows. After fighting four and a half hours the Indian leader was killed and the rest retreated. The chief was in the act of aiming an arrow at James Barlow when Richardson shot him. Six or seven Indians were killed, but no hurt was done to the whites, excepting that Barlow was wounded in the thigh by an arrow. The Indians drove off four saddle and pack animals, one carrying about fifteen hundred dollars in gold dust.
    These events, occurring in rapid sequence, deepened the before general impression of the hostile character of the Rogue Rivers and made it necessary that an armed force should be employed to pacificate the red men.
   
    The following correct version of the events that then transpired have been most kindly placed at our disposal by Hon. Jesse Applegate, than whom no higher authority on matters pertaining to the history of Oregon exists:
    "When the Oregon Rifle Regiment was disbanded at Vancouver in the year 1851, Major Philip Kearny was permitted to draft of the rank and file of that corps into his regiment of dragoons two companies, one under the command of Captain Stuart, a native of South Carolina; the other, under the command of Captain Walker, a native of Missouri. These companies belonged to the same regiment, and were in all respects similarly armed and equipped with saber, revolver and carbine. Lieut. R. Williamson of the Corps of Engineers accompanied these troops on their march from Vancouver to Benicia, having in view to make an exploration of the country from Southern Oregon, east of the Sierra Nevada, down the valley of the Pit River, and as far south as where Reno now stands. Capt. Levi Scott and Jesse Applegate, two of the explorers of the Southern Emigrant Route of 1846, were engaged as guides to the expedition. At the Canyon of the Umpqua Mountain the Major found several hundred miners, packers, etc., awaiting his arrival to place themselves under his protection, as an Indian war was raging in all the country south.
    "Being limited in his supplies to what was deemed sufficient for his march, and on that account unprepared to go into an Indian war, and yet desirous to strike a blow at these troublesome enemies, the Major consulted his guides in regard to penetrating the Rogue River country by a route that would bring his command in the rear of the hostiles, and thereby enable him to cut them off from their mountain fastnesses to which they usually retired when pursued by a force strong enough to chastise them. After due consideration, the guides undertook the service, Mr. Nichols, the packer frequently mentioned in this history, being engaged to transport the necessary baggage, the command took up their line of march up the South Umpqua River. It being June of a late spring, the necessity of making ferries wherever a stream of any size was to be crossed much retarded the march. The Umpqua River itself was crossed about twenty miles south of the canyon. When the usual canoe was dug and the ferry prepared, the guides with a pioneer party crossed over and took up a southerly fork of the Umpqua, now known as Elk Creek, and after making a road about eight miles through its open valley, bivouacked at a spring never seen by white men before. Elk Creek forks about ten miles from its mouth, and a trail which seemed to have been much used in former years led up the mountain between the forks; along this trail a pack trail was opened, crossing the summit, from whence an extended view of the Rogue River Valley may be had with the great Pilot Rock on the Siskiyou in full view at least seventy miles to the southward. The trail descends to the south between the forks of Trail Creek, and into the open country of Rogue River Valley--the Major's camp being selected on the creek about three miles from its mouth. The troops, having effected a crossing the previous evening, were early on the trail in the morning, and overtook the pioneers at the camp on Trail Creek about 5 o'clock in the evening, having made a march of about 25 miles. The camp on Trail Creek was one of profound silence, noise of no kind was permitted, and to make the march down the valley as noiseless as possible, next morning the troopers were required to strap their sabers to their saddles to prevent their clank from being heard by the enemy. It was at an early hour on the twenty-sixth or twenty-seventh day of June that the command commenced its march from Trail Creek, the guide, Applegate, about 100 yards in advance with orders closely to examine the ground for signs of the enemy; the fighting force came next; Capt. Walker's company, with the Major in front; Stuart next, the baggage and rear guard following. Not long after reaching the path running near the bank of the river, the guide in front discovered fresh moccasin tracks in a newly thrown-up gopher mound, and beyond, the tracks of a single man evidently making his best time along the path. The fact was immediately reported, and the whole command put upon the charge. Notwithstanding this tremendous pace over the smooth valley, the nimble savage was not brought in sight for about three miles, when he was seen for a moment at the edge of the hummock that lined the bank of the river, into which he plunged. Capt. Walker was commanded to follow, but before he could effect a crossing, Capt. Stuart swept ahead with the rest of the command, the Indians keeping nearly even pace with it on the opposite bank of the river, hallooing at every leap he gave at the top of his voice to give notice to his friends below that the avenger was coming. For about a mile further, this exciting race to save life and to inflict death was kept up, when upon turning a point of brush on the river, a body of Indians, all warriors of about equal numbers, stood in front of the dashing and excited cavalry.
    "The spot where this memorable fight took place is about ten miles above Table Rock on the right or west bank of Rogue River. A lagoon runs into the river just where it makes a short bend to the west. There is an almost impenetrable thicket of brush spreading along the ravine, which, tending upwards toward the river, leaves only the narrow entry to this peninsula of open ground through which the whites entered, while the river on its side sweeps around this almost island, with a deep and rapid current, with abrupt and brushy banks. It was a most admirably chosen battlefield, and could the Indian runner have succeeded in giving his friends notice only of a few minutes, the daring charge of the Major into this stronghold might have resulted in a terrible tragedy and defeat. But the highest ground in the peninsula being along the bank of the river, it seems the whole body of Indians had rushed there to ascertain what was going on up the river; the charging cavalry had cut them off from the lagoon almost as soon as they were seen; they were not prepared to fight a whirlwind or thunderbolt, and seemed only intent on escape, and by the river was their only chance. But the troubles of the savages were not ended. As the sabers of Capt. Stuart's company were strapped to their saddles in such a way that they could not get at them, they used their firearms only, but the flying Indians had barely reached the opposite bank of the river when Capt. Walker was upon them, his troops sword in hand. Here many were slaughtered; the writer of this saw Capt. Walker cut down two of these helpless wretches with his own hand.
    "No time was wasted on the battlefield. Walker was ordered to continue down the left or east side of the river. The Major with Capt. Stuart's co., guided by Capt. Scott, marched down the right. Applegate, assisted by the packers and four soldiers, was directed to select a suitable place to camp, remove the baggage and wounded to it, and act as a kind of ex-officio until the Major's return. All which was done, the camp being about one mile west. In looking for a suitable camp a canoe was found concealed in the bushes, which was of great value to the command in ferrying the wounded and baggage to the opposite bank of the river the day following. In the fight a sergeant and one private were slightly wounded, and Capt. Stuart mortally. He was in the act of charging an Indian (still on his feet and making resistance) with a clubbed revolver, the chambers of which had been exhausted. The Indian, before receiving the blow of the revolver, shot the Captain just above the pelvis, the arrow severing the connections between the bladder and the kidneys, lodging against the backbone. In the course of the evening a smoke was seen to arise from near the body of the Indian who wounded Stuart. As the place could be approached by means of the lagoon, Applegate, Nichols and some of the packers cautiously approached the spot, where they found seven or eight Indians standing around their dead comrade. The whites from a distance of about 150 yards took deliberate aim at these unsuspecting mourners and fired at the word three. The whole party of the assailed fell down at the report of the rifles. When the whites, after loading their rifles, reached the place, the Indian killed in the morning alone remained on the ground. Some robes, bows and quivers remained, and a bloody trail led to the river, but no scalps. Meantime Capt. Walker continued down the valley on the southeast side, but was forced to leave the vicinity of the river on account of brush and streams, until he reached the west bank of Bear Creek, where the town of Phoenix now stands. Here he encamped until joined by the rest of the force next evening.
    "Major Kearny pressed forward with his force down the northwest side of the river until in the vicinity of Table Rock he found so large an Indian force in his front that he deemed it prudent to take post in a grove of trees which happened to be convenient for that purpose. It was the opinion of the Major and Capt. Scott that the Indians numbered near 500; were drawn up with considerable skill, cavalry on the wings, infantry in the center, and something like front and rear guards covering them. They made one movement by their right flank, as if to cut off the Major from the stream and apparently to get into his rear, but when promptly met in this movement they desisted, and did not again place themselves in reach of his carbines.
    "Finding the Indian not disposed to attack, and having no hope of effecting a junction with Capt. Walker in that direction, the Major fell back to his own camp, to which the Indians did not presume to follow. Having crossed the river a short distance above our camp, with the assistance of the canoe before named, and providing a horse litter for Capt. Stuart (the rest of the wounded being able to ride), we took up the line of march on the trail of Capt. Walker, made the previous day. Near the deep rapid stream of the Little Butte we came upon a large horse trail going up the broad valley of that stream so fresh as to indicate that it was but a few hours old. From explorations since made in that part of the country I think this trail was made by mounted Indians going to the Lake country, east by that favorable pass; for after their display of force to Major Kearny they seem to have scattered in all directions--even small parties were seldom seen. About sundown of that day we reached Capt. Walker's camp where Capt. Stuart died and was buried under a large oak tree until his friends sent for his remains two years after. After being joined by a volunteer force Major Kearny remained a few days longer and assisted with his command in searching for the enemy, but becoming satisfied they had put themselves beyond his reach he continued his journey to California."
   
    Providentially, it happened at this juncture [the escalating violence in the summer of 1851] that Brevet Major P. Kearny, afterwards a celebrated general in the Union army, and killed at the battle of Chantilly, with a detachment of two companies of United States regulars, was on his way from the station at Vancouver to that of Benicia, California, guided by W. G. T'Vault. Approaching closely to the scene of hostilities he was invited to lend his aid in suppressing the savages. About the same time Governor Gaines, of Oregon, disquieted by the reports of Indian outrages, set out from the seat of government with the design of using his executive authority to form a treaty with the offenders; and the task was made an easy one by the prompt and energetic action of Major Kearny and General Joseph Lane, who cleared a way for executive diplomacy, whereas, without their help his excellency would most certainly have failed of his laudable object and possibly have lost his scalp besides.
    The most intelligible accounts which can be gathered represent that Major Kearny found the main body of the Indians on the right bank of Rogue River, about ten miles above Table Rock and nearly opposite the mouth of a small creek which enters the river from the east, and above Little Butte Creek. The troops consisted of two companies; one of dragoons, commanded by Captain Stuart, the other a rifle company, under Captain Walker. The latter officer crossed the river, probably with the design of cutting off the savages' retreat, while Captain Stuart, dismounting his men, charged upon the Indians who were gathered at a rancheria. The conflict was very short, the Indians fleeing almost immediately. A wounded Indian lay upon the ground, and Captain Stuart approached, revolver in hand, to dispatch him; but the savage, fixing an arrow to his bow string, discharged it at close range and pierced the captain's abdomen, the point transfixing one of his kidneys. The fight and pursuit soon ended and the wounded man was taken to the camp of the detachment which spot was named, and subsequently for several years known as Camp Stuart, and is popularly supposed to be the spot where the battle occurred. Jesse Applegate is the authority for fixing the location as above stated. Accounts of the battle proceed to say that the wounded man was mortally injured, but remained sensible to the last. He lived a day, and, before dying said: "It is too bad to have fought through half the battles of the Mexican War to be killed here by an Indian." He was buried with military honors in a grave near the present village of Phoenix, nearly at the place where the ditch crosses the stage road, and where Mr. Colver's house now stands. In later years the remains were exhumed and taken to Washington to be reinterred near those of his mother. General Lane said of the deceased: "We have lost Captain Stuart, one of the bravest of the brave. A more gentlemanly man never lived; a more daring soldier never fell in battle."
    Captain Stuart's engagement is supposed to have taken place on June 26 or 27. It happened that at the same time Major Alvord, with Jesse Applegate as guide, was making an examination of the Canyon or Cow Creek Mountain, between the Umpqua and Rogue River regions, to determine a feasible route for a military road. The surveying party, which included several other well-known early pioneers as well as a small military escort, was in the neighborhood of Cow Creek. At the same time General Lane, who was on his way south, had arrived in the Canyon. Here he was met by men who informed him of the occurrences of the preceding days, that a severe fight had taken place, and that the Indians were gathering from every quarter; that they were hy-as solluks (fighting mad), and that heavy fighting was anticipated. This was news enough to arouse the warlike spirit of the General, and without losing a moment by delay he and his little party pushed for the scene of hostilities, anxious to be the first to strike a blow in the cause of humanity. It was characteristic of the man to make all possible haste to the scene, and accordingly we find him on Rogue River in the shortest possible time, an enthusiastic volunteer, armed with no military or civil authority, but taking, as became the man and the time, a most active and important part in the events of the succeeding days.
    In his own words: "On Sunday night, while picketing our animals, an express rider came, who informed us that the Major (Kearny) had set out with his command that evening to make a forced march through the night and attack the enemy at daybreak. Early Monday morning I set out with the hope of falling in with him or with the Indians retreating from him. We made a hard day's ride, but found no one. On Tuesday I proceeded to Camp Stuart; but no tidings had been received from the Major. Late in the evening Captain Scott and T'Vault came in with a small party, for supplies and reinforcements. They reported that the military had fought two skirmishes with the Indians, one early Monday morning, the other late in the afternoon, the Indians having, after wounding Stuart, posted themselves in a dense hummock where they defended themselves for four hours, escaping in the darkness. The Indians suffered severely, and several whites were injured.
    "By nine o'clock at night we were on our way, and at two o'clock the next morning we were in the Major's camp. Here I had the pleasure of meeting my friends Applegate (Jesse), Freaner, and others. Early in the morning we set out (soldiers and civilians together), proceeding down the river, and on Thursday morning crossed about seven miles from the ferry. We soon found an Indian trail leading up a large creek, and in a short time overtook and charged upon a party of Indians, killing one. The rest made their escape in dense chaparral. We again pushed rapidly forward and late in the evening attacked another party of Indians, taking twelve women and children and wounding several males who escaped. Here we camped; and next day scoured the country to Rogue River, crossing it at Table Mountain and reaching camp at dark.
    "The Indians have been completely whipped in every fight. Some fifty of them have been killed, many wounded, and thirty taken prisoners. Major Kearny has been in the saddle for more than ten days, scouring the country, and pouncing upon the Indians wherever they could be found. Never has an Indian country been invaded with better success nor at a better time. The establishing of a garrison in this district will be necessary for the preservation of peace. That done, and a good agent located here, we shall have no more trouble in this quarter. As for our prisoners, the Major was anxious to turn them over to the people of Oregon, to be delivered to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs; but no citizens could be found who were willing to take charge of them. Consequently he determined to take them to San Francisco and send them from there to Oregon."
    A few days later when the troops and General Lane had reached the diggings near Yreka, the General himself, having determined to return to Oregon, took charge of the prisoners and delivered them to Governor Gaines, at the Rogue River crossing (near Vannoy's). The General closes his account by assigning due credit to different members of the expedition, as Major Kearny, Captain Walker, of the Rifles; Dr. Williamson, Lieutenant Irvin, Messrs. Applegate, Scott, T'Vault, Armstrong, Blanchard and Boon, Col. Freaner and his volunteers, etc. Quite a number of miners assisted against the Indians, many having come from the newly discovered diggings on Josephine Creek to take part. A great rush of men from Yreka and that vicinity had taken place just previous, and many of these, not finding sufficient inducements to remain, were on their way back to California, but stopped at Bear Creek and lent their aid to suppress the Indians.
    The campaign of June ended by the departure of the regulars, who took up their line of march for California and will be heard of no more in our story. But before the effects of their operations in the Rogue River Valley had died away, and while most of the men who inflicted such sudden punishment on the Indians were still nearby, Governor Gaines came to the Rogue River crossing and arranged a treaty of peace. The terms of this treaty mainly consist of a promise on the part of the Indians that they would be very good Indians indeed, and not kill or rob any more white men. They would stay on their own ground, which for official purposes was recognized as the north side of the river; and they would cheerfully obey the commands of whatever individual was sent among them as agent. To this treaty the signatures of eleven chiefs were appended, whose bands were bound thereby to obey its stipulations. But the most troublesome and desperate individuals of the native tribes refused to be thus bound; and the strong parties known as the Grave Creek and Siskiyou Mountain bands refused to meet the Governor or have aught to do with the treaty.
    Something of an organization had been given to the Department of Indian Affairs of Oregon by the creation of a superintendent thereof, who being the governor of the territory, held the former position ex officio. But the administration of this department not proving, for some reason, satisfactory to the authorities at Washington, the two offices were separated, and Doctor Anson Dart was appointed superintendent in 1851, soon after the Rogue River treaty was formed. Judge A. A. Skinner, formerly on the territorial bench, was chosen agent for the Indians of the southern part of the territory, and set about his duties. The judge was a gentleman of the strictest honor and probity, but was singularly unsuccessful in his dealings with the Rogue River bands. Within a short time after his accession to office, the terms of the Gaines treaty being still recognized, a number of white immigrants took up donation claims on the north side of Rogue River, within the region informally set apart for the Indians. Judge Skinner expostulated; but commands and appeals to the newcomers were alike unheeded; the settlers remained and the Indians took umbrage at what they considered a breach of faith on the part of the whites. It does not appear that the intruding settlers in all cases maintained a permanent residence upon the land assigned to the Indians, and this cause of complaint seems never to have assumed much magnitude. However that may have been, Judge Skinner was much liked by his wards, and was lamented by them at his departure. He was ever ready to interpose his authority, limited though it was, between the whites and the Indians, and with ampler power might have served to obviate, for a time, the ills of the subsequent year, though not even the ablest of minds could have permanently settled the causes at issue, since they were inevitably bound to terminate in war.
    As some pretended to have foreseen, the Gaines treaty proved an unmitigated failure. Hardly had the Governor set his face toward the valley of the Willamette than quarrels, misunderstanding, and serious difficulties broke out between the red and white occupants of Rogue River Valley and neighboring localities. The one race speedily grew "insolent" and the other began, as usual, reprisals. There were not wanting unprincipled men of both races, whose delight was to stir up war and contention, and ruffianly bands of either color paraded the country, and a condition of terrorism prevailed. Among the Indians, it was said, were several white men who had adopted Indian dress and manners, and these, if such existed, as there doubtless did, must have proved among the worst enemies of peace. Much complaint of the Indians began to be rife very soon after the treaty was signed; and the Cow Creek Indians, always a pugnacious tribe, were charged with the commission of several outrages within two months or that event. The whites mining at Big Bar and other places on the Rogue River, and industriously prospecting the numerous streams which flow into it, were in constant danger. Lieutenant Irvin, of the regular army, was kidnapped by two savages (Shastas probably) and a Frenchman, removed to the trackless woods, tied to a tree and subjected to many sorts of personal indignity. He escaped however, injured only in mind, but deeply convinced that the locality was too dangerous for a pleasant existence. This occurred in July. In consequence of this and other occurrences, General Hitchcock, commanding the Pacific Department, dispatched a force of twenty regular troops from Vancouver and Astoria to Port Orford, a newly located place on the coast of Curry County, thirty miles north of the mouth of Rogue River and then supposed to be accessible from the former seat of war near Table Rock. Subsequent explorations have dispelled this idea and proved that the military, so far as their effect upon the malcontents of the upper portion of Rogue River Valley was concerned, might as well have been left at Vancouver. However, they were well situated to awe the hostiles who had broken out nearer the coast. Contemporaneously with the events above mentioned had occurred on the coast several incidents of the greatest celebrity. The accounts of two of these, the defense of Battle Rock, at Port Orford, and the memorable T'Vault-Williams exploring expedition, will be found in another part of this work, the space deemed suitable for their proper presentation being too extended for this article. The Indians of the Coquille River being thus found hostile, the detachment, somewhat reinforced, proceeded under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Casey, to teach them a lesson. Dividing his small force into two bodies, the commander proceeded to the forks of the Coquille, and near the locality now called Myrtle Point, attacked a band of natives, who retreating from the one detachment fell in with and were beaten by the other. This took place in the autumn of 1851.

    The main events of importance in 1852 included the murder of Calvin Woodman, the massacre of Bloody Point, wherein thirty-six persons lost their lives; and the killing of the seven miners on Rogue River, near the mouth of Galice Creek. Of these events, only the last took place within the limits of Southern Oregon, but they are all of sufficiently connected interest to justify a narration herein.
    The date of Woodman's death is unsettled; the author of the history of Siskiyou says it occurred in May, 1852; but certain official documents, particularly a report on the number and names of those whites killed by various Indian tribes in Southern Oregon and Northern California, mention it as occurring in June of that year. June second has been specifically mentioned; but the exact date is immaterial. [Contemporary accounts place his death around July 8.] The man--a miner--was killed while riding along the banks of Indian Creek, a tributary of Scott River. Two Indians did the bloody deed, and fled. Quickly the whites gathered at Johnson's ranch and fired upon whatever Indian they could find, and making the peaceful natives of Scott Valley the principal victims. These Indians, who had never broken out into hostilities, but had rather signalized themselves by moderation and an obliging disposition toward the whites, retaliated upon occasion and severely wounded S. G. Whipple, the deputy sheriff, but late captain in the regular army. Old Tolo, Tyee John of Scott Valley, and Tyee Jim offered themselves as hostages to secure the whites against the Shastas, and accompanied Elijah Steele to Yreka, where the real culprits were supposed to have fled. All were convinced that the Shastas had nothing to do with the murder, and that it was most probably committed by Rogue River Indians, who, it was said, had been seen in the vicinity, and who had now gone north to join Tipsu Tyee, or the bands on the river near Table Rock. There was a great deal of excitement at Yreka concerning the matter, and the court of sessions authorized Steele to apprehend the suspected parties, it not being supposed that much time or travel would be necessary to enable him to comply.
    The undertaking, however, proved an arduous one; and Steele and his eleven companions, who included John Galvin, Peter Snellback, James Bruce (afterwards major in the war of 1855-6), Frank Merritt, John McLeod, Dr. L. S. Thompson, James White, the two hostages, and a Klickitat Indian named Bill, rode to Rogue River in the search, taking two Indians captive on the way. The first of these attempted to escape, but was shot by the Klickitat, who was detailed to pursue him. The dead man had been sent out, it was afterwards concluded, to persuade the Shastas to join Sam's band in a proposed war against the whites. The other prisoner was well mounted and armed, and proved to be a son of Tipsu Tyee, the enigmatical chief who dwelt in the Siskiyous. Him they took along and hearing that there was a prospect of finding their refugees at the general encampment of the Rogue Rivers, kept on to that stream. Farther along they met Judge A. A. Skinner, the Indian agent, and by him were requested to camp at Big Bend, where he had arranged for a conference of whites and Indians on the morrow. Certain grievances had arisen between the Indians and whites, which at this distant day cannot be fully made out. Chief among these grievances, it was said, was the desire of "Young Sam," son of Tyee Sam, the principal war chief, to possess the hand and heart of little Miss Ambrose, daughter of Dr. Ambrose, afterwards Indian agent, and who was living with his family on an agricultural claim adjoining T'Vault's at the Dardanelles. But this is doubtless a mistake, as the writer is informed that the young lady in question had not yet reached two years of age. The cause was a more trivial one, it is said, and concerned only a piece of beef. The settlers nearby, alarmed for the safety of themselves and families, applied to the people of Jacksonville for assistance, and a company numbering some twenty-eight or thirty, all young men, under the command of J. K. Lamerick, of after celebrity, proceeded instantly to their assistance, arriving on Big Bend, in front of and across the river from the Indian rancheria, a short time previous to Steele's arrival. Besides the companies of Lamerick and Steele, quite a number of neighboring settlers had gathered there, anxious to see the result of the proceedings, and these being armed, attached themselves to Lamerick's company in order to assist in the expected engagement. The whole of Joe and Sam's Indians were at the rancheria, and considerable coaxing was necessary to bring them to talk with the whites. Some crossed over, and the rest, emboldened by Judge Skinner's promises, also came, to the number of a hundred or more. The Judge, always favorable to the Indians, tried to bring about a reconciliation; and for this purpose proposed that both parties should remove to a log cabin situated at some little distance away. Suspecting treachery, the Indians refused to go, although Joe, their peace chief, tried to persuade them to do so. Sam, his brother, had recently returned to the rancheria for safety. At this moment John Galvin, one, of Steele's Yrekans, rudely pushed the muzzle of his rifle against an Indian's naked back, desiring him to move toward the cabin. The savage made a natural motion to resent the indignity, when Galvin instantly shot him dead. Fighting immediately took place. The dismayed and overmatched Indians got behind trees or sprung into the river, and all was confusion. Those of the savages who were on the north side began firing, but without effect, and hostilities only ceased when thirteen Indians had been killed. No white men were injured. Old Joe, the peace chief, clasped his arms about Martin Angel and clung desperately to him for protection. He was saved from his impending fate by Angel and two or three others, who kept off the excited throng of whites.
    Fighting ceased, and arrangements were made for the morrow's operations. Steele, with his Yrekans, agreed to move up the river to a certain point, cross the stream at Hailey's ferry and come down on the north bank to the vicinity of the rancheria. A detachment of Lamerick's company, embracing mainly the settlers who had proffered their services, was appointed to go down the river, cross and gain the top of upper Table Rock, whence they could command the vicinity. The main body, under Lamerick, rendezvoused at Ambrose's ranch and at night returned to the scene of the fight and crossed in the darkness at a very dangerous and difficult ford near the rancheria. When across they stopped until it grew light, and then moved toward the Indian stronghold which was surrounded by thick shrubbery, interlaced and nearly impervious to man or beast. When within shooting distance, the Indians opened fire on them, which was returned, and as the expected reinforcements had not arrived, the troops had to wait. Sometime in the forenoon the settlers appeared, when the Indians immediately proclaimed their desire for a klose wawa [close talk]. This the volunteers somewhat objected to, as it dispelled all chance of fighting for which they were eager and now so well prepared. A council of war was held, and it was decided that in view of the fact that the Indians had already suffered much damage, and the cause of the difficulty did not warrant a war of extermination, it would be best to have a talk. The contending forces soon came to an amicable understanding and agreed to let the past be buried with the hatchet, and then the volunteers returned home. Steele's company moved down the river as agreed upon, but found that peace had been restored before their arrival. They then returned to Yreka. Even their homeward journey was not without its share of excitement, for it appears the party, in order to avoid Tipsu Tyee, who was supposed to spend his time watching for the scalps of all those who passed his domains, took a wide and painful circuit through the untrodden wilds and suffered somewhat from hunger as well as apprehension. The Steele expedition failed to arrest the two murderers, and was besides somewhat expensive to its leader, who afterwards deposed that it cost him $2,000 which he could get nobody to pay.
    About the time of Steele's departure from Yreka, Ben Wright, the Indian fighter par excellence of all the country around, also set out from that town in search of the two murderers of Woodman; he was accompanied by several Indians, among them being Scar-face, a Shasta subchief, a man much suspected by the whites. Proceeding toward the Klamath the party was divided and Scar-face, venturing near Yreka alone, was seen and pursued by several whites who sought to add him to their already long list of "good Indians" slain in revenge for the killing of a man they had doubtless never heard of. The terror-struck Indian, on foot as he was, led them a race of eighteen miles along the hillsides before he was taken by his mounted pursuers. He was then hung to a tree in what is now known as Scarface Gulch. Wright was more fortunate than Steele in his search, for he returned to Scott Valley with two prisoners, who were tried by a citizens' court at the Lone Star ranch, where immense crowds of men from Yreka, Humbug, Scott River and other mining centers attended. They found one of the prisoners guilty and hanged him immediately; the other one was allowed to go. Thus ended the Woodman tragedy.
    The people of Jacksonville and Yreka became much exercised in the summer of 1852 in regard to the probable fate of the immigrants of that year, who were coming in large numbers by way of the southern route from Fort Hall via Clear Lake and Tule Lake. The Indians on the route, consisting mainly of Piutes and Modocs, had long been regarded as hostile, and the advance parties of that year's immigration reported them as being exceedingly troublesome. During the previous year the settlers of Yreka had lost quite a number of horses by the Modocs, part of them being recovered by Ben Wright with a small company of miners, who pursued the Indians. This Ben Wright enters largely into the history of Indian matters in Northern California and Southern Oregon, and divides the honors of a successful Indian fighter with such men as Kit Carson and other celebrated frontiersmen. Much has been written of him, and his career would appear to bear out in full both the praises bestowed on him as a courageous and successful scout and a skilled mountaineer. In any other walk of life, or amid any other surroundings, Wright doubtless would never have been heard of. But circumstance, which has made and marred the fortune of so many, raised him into prominence as an "Indian fighter"--an unenviable occupation, one would think, but seemingly the object of many men's ambition. Wright, we are told, was the son of Quaker parents; but the peaceful tenets of that sect were set at naught by their son, who was possessed of a spirit of adventure and a disposition as foolhardy and reckless as ever guided man. After years spent in living with or fighting against Indians, he found himself, in the early part of 1851, on Scott River, a digger of gold. From here he went, during the same year, in search of the stolen horses, and returned measurably successful, driving the horses and carrying some Indian scalps. Indeed he was quite an Indian in habits and appearance, living with a squaw, wearing long, black and glossy hair, which fell to his belt--a fashion aped by the inferior cowboy--dressing in buckskin and getting himself up to look the Indian as nearly as possible. He fought Indians after the manner of their own warfare, even to the scalping and mutilating of the dead, and to the use of strategy and treachery to get the foe within his grasp; but to his own race he was ever true and honorable, though his associates were far below even the low standard of society then existing. By the Indians who encountered him, he was regarded as the greatest warrior living; and taking all things together he was just the man for the emergency. Let the good results and the accompanying circumstances be the palliation of his methods.
    Early in the summer of 1852, a letter was received at Yreka from an immigrant, who was on his way to that place, saying that great suffering would ensue if the train was not met by a supply of provisions. In consequence of this statement, a company of men was organized, with Charles McDermit as captain, and provisions being contributed by merchants and others of Yreka, the train set out for Lost River. After passing Tule Lake they were met by a party of men who had packed across the plains. McDermit and his company went on, and the packers continued toward Yreka. When they reached Bloody Point, on the north side of Tule Lake, they were surprised by the Modocs who were hid in the tules bordering the trail, and who rose up and discharged volleys of arrows at them at short range. All these men were killed save one, Coffin by name, who cut the pack from a horse, mounted the animal and riding to Yreka gave the alarm. Bloody Point is a place on the north side of the lake where a spur of the mountains runs down close to the lake shore. Around this spur the old emigrant trail passed, just beyond being a large, open flat, covered with tules, wild rye and bunch grass. This was a favorite place of ambuscade.
    When Coffin arrived in Yreka the news at once spread far and wide. Ben Wright was sent for, and a company of twenty-seven men quickly volunteered to serve under him in an expedition to annihilate utterly and without remorse the treacherous and bloodthirsty hostiles who performed the deed. These set out without loss of a moment, being well supplied with arms, horses and provisions by the benevolent citizens of Yreka. But meanwhile the savages had not been idle. McDermit, not hearing of the tragic fate of the packers, had continued on, meeting at Black Rock two teams, for whose guidance he detailed three men, John Onsby, Thomas H. Coats, assemblyman-elect of Siskiyou County and a favorably known young man, and James Long. About the last of August the teams encamped at Clear Lake, and the next day the three guides rode on in advance to select a proper halting place at noon. One of the trains delayed somewhat to make repairs to wagons, and thus was separated from the foremost one, which included thirty men, one woman and a boy. As they came over the divide, they saw the Indians about Bloody Point, while the guides were unsuspectingly riding into danger. They disappeared around the point when shots were fired, and the three were butchered relentlessly by the savages, who retired again to the tules to wait for fresh victims. The men with the train divided themselves into a front and a rear guard and kept the savages at bay until reaching the flat. Here they made a barricade of their six wagons and retired within it for protection. By being constantly on their guard they managed to thwart the attempts of the Indians to dispossess them, but were kept closely beleaguered until noon the next day, when the Modocs drew off to attack the other train. These men, however, more wise than the first, drove over the hill, thus avoiding the ambush so carefully laid for them, and found safety in the barricade with the others.
    In the afternoon Ben Wright appeared, and taking in the situation at a glance, did not pause to communicate with the whites, but furiously charged the Modocs even in the midst of the tules, and attempted to cut them off from their boats. The savages stampeded and, making for the water, were mingled indiscriminately with Wright's men, who killed them almost without resistance. All along the bank of the lake the fight raged; the volunteers shooting and cutting with a ferocity suited to a combat with such cruel adversaries. The savages sought only to reach their boats and get out of range, and even in this they but partly succeeded, for an undetermined number, ranging from twenty to forty, if we may believe the ordinary accounts, met a richly deserved fate.
    Several succeeding days were spent in search for the Modocs' victims, and the mangled bodies of many immigrants were found, whose death had not been heard of. Two of these were women and one a little child. They were all mutilated and disfigured horribly, beyond recognition in probably every case. Portions of wagons were found, and camp utensils, firearms, clothing, money, and other articles, which conclusively showed that an entire emigrant train must have fallen a prey to the demoniacal hostility of the Indians. Twenty-two bodies were found and buried by Wright's company and fourteen by that of Captain Ross. Of these last several were of women and children, and all disfigured and mutilated.
    The stay of Captain Ross' Jacksonville company was necessarily shorter than that of the Yreka men, but considerable service was done, nevertheless, in protecting immigrants and assisting in the search for the murdered people. The company left Jacksonville in hot haste after thirty men had volunteered, the news of the attack on the pack train arriving in the evening. By the next morning the company was ready to march. Daniel Barnes was chosen first lieutenant, Nathan Olney, second. Returning homeward, Captain Ross escorted Snelling's train, the largest one of the year, safely to its destination at Yreka, and afterwards proceeded to Jacksonville.
    A three-months' campaign by Wright's company, with active scouting and a good deal of skirmishing with hostile parties, effectually protected the immigrant trains coming west. Captain Wright, being well supplied with ammunition and provisions contributed by the people of Northern California, was enabled to protract his stay until all the immigrants had passed, some of whom were provided with escorts from his company and McDermit's, reducing Wright's strength to eighteen men. With these he determined on a campaign against the savages, the main body of whom were securely posted on an island in Tule Lake. A company of U.S. dragoons under Major Fitzgerald had materially assisted, by scouting along the shores of the lake, obliging all the hostiles to seek refuge on the island. A boat was provided, being hauled out from Yreka, in which six armed men reconnoitered almost daily the savages' position. The Modocs had large supplies of fish, grass seeds, wo-cus (pond lily), camas, and ip-a, which were their chief articles of sustenance, stored away in caches around the lake. These were nosed out by Wright's men, assisted by five Shastas and Swill, a Columbia River Indian, a stray Umatilla, and destroyed. The loss affected the Modocs seriously, and they thought of coming to terms. Old Mary, a stray squaw, was sent out to the island, and after a day or two forty Indians came over and peace appeared about to spread her snowy wings over the scene. The object of Captain Wright, however, was not to secure peace, but to kill Indians; and this he set about. As to the manner in which he did it, accounts differ widely.
    Captain Goodall, now residing at Kanaka Flat, near Jacksonville, may be esteemed a credible witness, as he lived in Yreka in 1852 and was intimate with the most of the members of the Ben Wright expedition, particularly with the leader. It is reasonable to suppose that he was in Wright's confidence as he was instrumental in sending out the party, and was the more apt to know with certainty concerning it as he, also, was an Indian fighter of experience. The Captain says: "Ben Wright had several powwows with them, and when at length it was found necessary to close the campaign on account of approaching winter and snow, a final talk was had, in which a beef was killed and well dosed with strychnine which I bought in Yreka and sent out to Wright. This was given to them and by them eaten half raw. But the plan failed of killing all of them off, for the heat of the fire deprived the poison of its strength. However it was successful thus far, that it made them all very sick with the 'jerks,' and actually killed five of them--that is, made good Indians of them; or in other phrase 'sunned their moccasins.'' Captain Wright and company were discharged at Yreka, their muster rolls and accounts made out by Captain Goodall, and they were duly paid by the state in scrip, and afterwards by the United States in greenbacks.
    This is one, and an apparently fair version. Next comes the more commonly accepted, but very improbable one of Wright's having poisoned forty Modocs, thus annihilating the whole band with the exception, some say, of two who slipped out of camp just before the feast of poisoned meat began. Several writers have adopted this tale, for example, A. B. Meacham in his ridiculous book "Wigwam and Warpath." It will be seen that the above stories differ only as to the number of Indians killed; which would naturally be exaggerated as time went on. Hence as between the two, we must incline to that of Captain Goodall. Wright, it is said, persistently denied the story; not probably from any deference to refined people's feelings, and certainly not from any desire to screen himself from any measure of obloquy, for he was probably very far from caring for anybody's opinion.
    Finally we shall consider the account published in the History of Siskiyou County in 1881. This account, evidently prepared with great pains and unlimited attention to accuracy of details, was written to be read by people who might be presumed to know a great deal concerning the matter. Thus far, we believe, it has escaped adverse criticism, which in the event of error it would be nearly certain to meet. A synopsis of the account is as follows:
    Negotiations being in progress, word was sent to the Modocs to come in and feast. The camp was on Lost River, and the Indians who speedily came in camped nearby and on the bank of the river, both camps being about one-fourth of a mile above the natural bridge, and not far from the spot where Captain Jack and the troops first fought, ushering in the Modoc War of 1873. Some half hundred braves, with their squaws, made their home in camp and lived upon the provisions of the whites. Old Schonchin, head chief, foreseeing trouble, left the camp, as did others. It appears to have been Wright's intention from the first to endeavor to get the Indians to restore the valuables they were thought to have stolen from immigrants, and then to bring on a fight and kill all of the savages he could. The time was November; the river was very low and had two banks, forming a high and a low terrace. On the higher one the whites slept, while they cooked and ate on the lower one. The Indians camped but a few yards away, mingled with the whites during eating times, both parties leaving their arms in camp. Wright, it is said, discovered a plan on the part of the Indians to surprise and massacre his force; but be that as it may, he was too quick for them, and put in effect his own plan without delay. Sending six men across the river to where they would be opposite the Indian camp and hence able to cut off their passage across the stream, Wright himself went down among the Indians who were scattered about the campfires and shot dead, as a preconcerted signal, a young buck. The other whites, being ready, continued the work of destruction and soon no men were left alive except John Schonchin and Curly-headed Doctor. These two escaped and were heard of twenty years after, in the murder of Canby and Thomas. Forty-seven braves and several squaws were killed. Wright's men numbered but nineteen, including two Indians. Their casualties consisted in severe wounds to Isaac Sanbanch, Poland and Brown. The rest were uninjured. Wright's company then returned to Yreka and were grandly feted by the people. They rode into town accompanied by a guard of honor, their forty-odd scalps and sundry other mementos dangling from their rifles, hats, and horses' heads. Cheers rent the air. The enthusiastic crowd lifted them from their horses and bore them to the saloons, where the best was none too good. Whiskey was free for all, and a grand dinner was given in honor of the returned avengers. For a week, high carnival reigned.
    We have seen how these accounts vary; and probably the reader, in trying to settle his doubts, consciously or unconsciously inclines to the last version. Being the result of long and careful investigation and weighing of testimony of parties of all shades of opinion, it should be accepted in preference to the idea of any one man. That poison was prepared by parties in Yreka is true, but all the surviving members of Wright's company deny any attempt to use it, and give as their reason the very evident fact that there was no fun in it; most of them were there killing Indians for the pleasure of doing so, and the use of poison would have taken all the amusement away. In killing them with bullets and knives from an ambuscade all the conditions requisite to pleasure in Indian killing were satisfied. Only sickly sentimentalism could regret the worst fate which might be meted out to such monsters of cruelty and wickedness as the Modocs. It is apparent that in point of cruel vindictiveness and unsparing malignity they were the worst savages who ever inhabited this coast. Their attacks on the immigrants were utterly causeless, and could have had no motive except the love of diabolical wickedness, for the property of the whites, even their firearms, was totally useless to the Indians, and the captured women were killed. Hence the motives which are supposed usually to incite barbarous men to such deeds of murder, were wanting.
    The aspect of a circumstance which took place at the mouth of Galice Creek in December, 1852, and consisted in the murder, or supposed murder, of seven miners, is very peculiar. It would appear that all the evidence respecting the killing was derived, if at all, from the extorted confession of the supposed murderers. The circumstances, as they appear in perhaps the earliest account, stand thus: William Grendage, or Grundage, Peter Hunter, James Bacon, ------ Bacon, ------ Bruner, William Allen and ------ Palmer, miners at the place mentioned, were missed from their accustomed haunts for several weeks. "Suspicion was aroused against the Indians," and when, some weeks later, Chief Taylor, of the Grave Creek band, accompanied by a number of his men, visited Vannoy's ferry to trade, further suspicion was excited by the fact of these supposed poverty-stricken creatures having some gold dust about them in larger quantity than was usual (or allowable, probably). They were closely questioned as to their mode of obtaining it, and also as to the whereabouts of the supposed murdered men. They are said to have replied that the seven were washed off their claim during high water and drowned. "Their manners and explanation led to a strong belief that these Indians had murdered the missing miners, and an investigation proved that Taylor and his band had murdered the entire party." He and some of his men were arrested by the citizens, and as there were no courts yet organized in this part of the territory, they were brought before a citizens' jury, tried, convicted and sentenced to be hanged. Finding that the decree of the court was about to be executed, and seeing no chance of escape, they related the particulars of the case themselves and boasted of the share each had taken in the murder and robbery. They gave a minute account of the manner in which they tortured the victims after they were taken captive, stabbing them with knives and burning them with firebrands, "just to see them jump." The Indians were hanged, though Taylor tried to excuse himself by saying he only stabbed the whites with a little knife, while the others used large ones.
    Thus runs the account, and as it is the only account known to be in existence, we have an important case to consider, without any corroborative evidence whatever, for there were no eyewitnesses to the murder after the Indians had suffered for the crime. There was no investigation at all; and if such had been fully made it might have resulted in showing that the seven missing miners had, with the characteristic restlessness of their class, picked up their tools and left unceremoniously for richer placers some time before they began to be missed. It is certainly a common enough proceeding for miners to desert their claims without giving notice, and possibly this is what the seven did.
    It was in the fall of 1852 that Fort Jones, in Scotts Valley, Siskiyou County, was established. Major Fitzgerald, on returning from the Modoc country, somewhat before the Lost River massacre by Ben Wright, selected the site of the new post, whose first garrison was his company of dragoons. The Major, being soon ordered hence, was relieved in command of the post by Captain B. R. Alden, and he by Captain, afterwards Major General, H. M. Judah. Under the latter were three lieutenants, J. C. Bonnycastle, George Crook and J. B. Hood. The two latter names are now household words for the American people. Crook, as is well known, fought well against the Rebellion and became a major general of volunteers, and since the war has done invaluable service as a subduer of Indians, winning thereby a great reputation. Hood was even more famous during the Civil War and, taking sides with the South, was Joe Johnston's successor in command of the great army that faced Sherman in his celebrated Atlanta campaign and was disastrously beaten by Thomas at Nashville. General Hood died several years since.

    A certain writer for the public prints, while treating of the condition of the Indian affairs in Southern Oregon in the early part of 1853, made use of the following language:
    "The summary justice dealt out to 'Taylor' had the effect to somewhat check for a time the depredations of the Indians north of the Siskiyous, and they became more friendly, and more profuse in their expressions of good will toward the whites. These professions proved only a blind, however, under which the Indians matured plans, and collected munitions of war for the renewal of hostilities on a larger scale. By resorting to this ruse, they were enabled to augment their forces from neighboring tribes, and form alliances unsuspected by the whites. In the meantime, being allowed access to the premises of the settlers, they procured more or less guns and pistols by theft or otherwise; and also to accumulate considerable ammunition. In those days all the tea brought into the country was put up in lead caddies, which being emptied, were thrown out with the rubbish, and from this source the Indians collected a very abundant supply of lead, and through a few unprincipled dealers they procured a large amount of powder."
    It may be a pleasing diversion to examine a few of the statements made with such assurance. It is said that the Indians began, in the spring of 1853, to court the friendship of the whites. This article evidently refers to the Rogue Rivers almost exclusively, thus seeming to imply that this tribe had not thus far been friendly to the whites. Yet there is an immense amount of first-rate evidence to show that this tribe was on excellent terms with the whites in 1852, both before and after the fight at Big Bend. So quickly were the scars of war healed that Sam and Joe felt highly aggrieved because they were not invited to the celebration given at Jacksonville in honor of Captain Lamerick and his brave followers. Several highly respected pioneer inhabitants of Jacksonville, including two or more ladies, have now (1883) given testimony concerning the unvarying courtesy and gentleness of the principal chiefs of the tribe, when met in times of peace. Sam and Joe, they say, were favored guests in private houses; and by their dignified and manly ways, won the approbation of all who could appreciate their simple yet honorable character. They were, to be sure, only ignorant and uncultured savages, and perhaps entirely incapable of a high degree of civilization; yet with proper treatment they remained harmless and peaceable individuals, however intractable and fierce a great part of their tribe might have been. To charge these simple natives, who were merely children of a larger growth, with such a degree of duplicity as that implied by the writer we have quoted, seems absurd. And at the time mentioned nearly all the Rogue Rivers were in the habit of coming into Jacksonville, where they begged food, fraternized with the lowest whites, and were friendly to all. Sam, Joe, Tipsu Tyee, Queen Mary, and others were familiar figures. These barbarian aristocrats were immeasurably above their subjects, as they never condescended to beg, but took with ready grace what was offered. Their indignation was quickly roused when their worth and dignity were slighted, and to neglect to invite them to eat at the dinner hour was an offense which their haughty blood could not brook. Upon such occasions they would stalk indignantly homeward. Tipsu Tyee, whose home was in the mountains between Applegate and Bear creeks, used frequently to be seen in Jacksonville. This savage, less interesting and attractive than the others, was a bugbear to the miners and settlers because of his occasional "insolence" and mysterious character. Yet his impulses were not all bad, as the following anecdote will show. This is given on the authority of Henry Klippel, who was an eyewitness. John Sands, a rough miner, intoxicated himself, and meeting Tipsu Tyee in Jacksonville, struck him over the head with a stick. The insulted savage, bow in hand, drew an arrow to the head, and appeared about to pierce his assailant's heart; but shouting "Hi yu lum; nika wake memaloose mika!" lowered his bow. Experts in the Chinook jargon translate the above as "You are very drunk, or I would kill you!" [Literally: "Much rum, I will not kill you."] This is certainly a case of forbearance on the Indian's part, as he had ample opportunity for escape to his brushy kingdom in the hills.
    Such incidents and peculiarities throw considerable light upon the character of the savages, and go far to prove the improbability of any such deep plots as many have ascribed. Their schemes could not have taken such a range as we are assured they did. All that we can allow in this connection is that the Indians were in time of war accustomed to receive reinforcements from such neighboring tribes as were accustomed to fraternize with them in time of peace. But it should not be supposed that this aid was regularly granted or withheld by the chiefs or headmen of the neighboring tribes, for on such occasions the young men were accustomed to use their own discretion as to their individual acts of assistance, and were not under sufficiently strict command to be deterred from doing as they liked in that regard. There is a restless element in every tribe and on every reservation, consisting chiefly of young braves desirous of achieving renown in battle, and the history of Indian wars, almost without an exception, shows that the ranks of the hostiles are swelled by such volunteers from neighboring tribes, without any preconcerted arrangement being made; and, it may be remarked, this element seems at times as willing to fight on one side as the other, and to their assistance we owe many of our greatest victories over hostile tribes. The extent of the aid furnished is an important but indeterminate matter. It seems consistent with the Indian character that aid so furnished would be of a most unreliable sort indeed. It would most likely occur that the volatile young warriors would desert the cause of their friends when the novelty of the occasion was worn off. Such seems to have been the case in the principal war in Southern Oregon, as we shall see. Before dismissing the subject we may enunciate the broad general truth, that the tribes of American Indians have been found altogether unable to combine together in the sense in which political combinations are spoken of. It is a significant fact that not even Tecumseh nor Pontiac nor King Philip was able to unite several tribes permanently against the whites. Had the latter, with his consummate strategy, been able to consolidate the New England tribes, the unavoidable result would have been to exterminate the Puritan colonists of that country. It is true of the Indians of New York and generally throughout the thirteen original colonies, that in their incipiency a thorough union of the hostile tribes would have resulted in a total extinction of the white inhabitants; but providentially for the pioneers of these now powerful and prosperous states, the Indian character was incapable of such union. It is true that Pontiac, and afterwards Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet, brought about a sort of confederacy between the great Indian tribes of the Ohio Valley; but these existed for but little time; and we may conclude that if these chiefs of experience and intelligence, operating as they did at a great distance from the whites, could not effectually unite the Indians of their time, the Rogue River chiefs, surrounded and watched by whites, most certainly could not effect that result. It appears consistent to allow only that the Indian allies were but chance visitors or errant warriors from neighboring tribes.
    The writer further says: "They procured more or less guns and pistols by theft and otherwise." Giving its due weight to the word otherwise, no one can dispute that assertion. To ascribe procurement by theft, when it is an undisputed fact that their arms were usually procured by a much viler means, is to avoid a topic whose relative importance excuses the indelicacy of naming it. Everyone of experience knows that the Indians often came into possession of their guns, horses, ammunition and other valuables through the sale of their women. It is useless to disguise the fact. White men became the eager purchasers, and the Indian who had traded a bad wife for a good gun felt equally the gainer. Thus both parties were satisfied and harmony prevailed. But by and by the newfound bride might tire of her white lord, and taking advantage of his absence, might run away, seeking again the wigwam of her earliest love. In such a case the impassive brave awaited the coming also of the white Lothario, whose judgment was warped by affection, and who to regain the society of his bright particular star, would give a second gun. Thus the Indians grew rich in guns, while the white men found their compensation in gentle woman's blessed companionship. Thus the Indian warriors placed themselves on a war footing, while the whites were figuratively sunk in luxurious ease. This is certainly an easier mode of providing arms and munitions of war than by theft, even were Sam and Joe's men such expert thieves as certain individuals insist.
    Throughout the spring and the first part of the summer of 1853 little was heard of the depredations of the savages, only one incident seeming to mar the ordinary relations of white man and native. The event referred to was the murder of two miners, one an American, the other a Mexican, in their cabin on Cow Creek, and the robbery of their domicile. As a matter of course the deed was laid to Indians and probably justly; for the Indians along that creek had a very bad reputation. They were of the Umpqua family, but had independent chiefs and were far more fierce and formidable than the humble natives of the Umpqua Valley proper. They had committed several small acts of depredation on the settlers in that vicinity, such as attempting to burn grain fields, outbuildings, etc., but had not, it appears, entered upon any more dangerous work until the killing referred to. The unfortunate Grave Creek band allowed themselves to be mixed up in the affair, and suffered ill consequences; for a party of whites proceeded to their encampment and fired unceremoniously into it, killing one Indian and wounding another. The total number of Grave Creek Indians who were killed in consequence of their supposed complicity in the acts and in the so-called murder on Galice Creek previously spoken of was eleven; of whom six were hanged and five shot. The Grave Creek tribe was rapidly becoming extinct.
    In August, 1853, the Indians broke out into open war, or to limit this assertion somewhat, certain Indians, indifferently from various bands of the Rogue Rivers, committed several bloody atrocities in the valley, alarming the settlers and causing them to seek the protection of fortified places, while the Table Rock band under Sam and Joe, joined by several other bands, left their pleasant location and retired to the hills to escape the vengeance of the whites from whom their leaders wished to permanently remove.
    On the fourth of August the first act of the new era of hostilities took place, being the murder of Edward Edwards, an old farmer, residing on Bear Creek, about two and a half miles below the town site of Phoenix. In his absence the murderers secreted themselves in his cabin, and on his return at noon, shot him with his own gun, and after pillaging the house, fled to the hills. There were but few concerned in the deed, and subsequent developments fixed the guilt upon Indian Thompson, who was surrendered by the chiefs at Table Rock, tried in the United States circuit court in February, 1854, and hanged two days later. According to the prevailing account of the circumstances of this murder, the deed was committed in revenge for an act of injustice perpetrated on an Indian by a Mexican named Debusha, who enticed or abducted a squaw from Jim's village, and when the chief and the woman's husband went to reclaim her they were met by threats of shooting. Naturally disturbed by the affair, the aggrieved brave started upon a tour of vengeance against the white race, killing Edwards and attempting other crimes. Colonel Ross, a prominent actor in the events that followed, identifies the murderer as Pe-oos-e-cut, a nephew of Chief John, of the Applegates, and represents the difficulty substantially as above stated, adding the particulars that Debusha had bought the squaw, of whom the Indian had been the lover. She ran away to a camp on Bear Creek, and the Mexican, with Charles Harris, went to the camp and took her from Pe-oos-e-cut, much to his anger and grief. The disappointed lover next day began venting his rage against the whites by killing cattle and also shot Edwards as described. No sooner had the murder become known than other savages became imbued with a desire to kill, and during the following fortnight several murders were committed, through treachery mainly.
    On August fifth occurred the murder of Thomas Wills, a member of the firm of Wills & Kyle, merchants of Jacksonville, who was shot when near the Berry house, on the Phoenix road, and almost within the town of Jacksonville. The murder was committed at about the hour of twilight. The report of the Indian's gun was heard, as well as the wounded man's cries, and immediately his saddle mule galloped into town, with blood on the saddle. Men went hurriedly to his assistance, but saw no Indians. The wound was through the backbone, and necessarily fatal, although the victim lingered until August seventeenth. Excitement prevailed throughout the place, and every man of Jacksonville's overflowing population armed himself and constituted himself a member of an impromptu committee of safety. The alarm was increased by a third murder which took place the following morning (August sixth.) The victim was Rhodes Nolan, a miner on Jackson Creek, who, in returning from town, at sunrise, after a night of watching to repel anticipated assaults, was shot as he entered his cabin door.
    Somewhat later than the events mentioned above, a very serious murder, or perhaps it may be called massacre, took place in the upper part of Bear Creek, resulting in the death of several persons and the serious wounding of others. Tipsu Tyee became hostile, probably in consequence of the influence of the Indians in the lower valley, and an attack was made on settlers in the vicinity of the site of Ashland. Tipsu Tyee was not present at this event, and no evidence tends to show the degree of his participation therein; nor is it material to the story. A detached party of his band, under subchief Sambo, being temporarily encamped on Neil Creek at the time of the Edwards-Wills-Nolan murders, excited the suspicion of the white men newly settled in the upper part of Bear Creek Valley and on tributary streams, who united to the number of twelve and proceeded to the Indian camp. The whites being armed, fired on the savages, who took refuge, as is their invariable custom, in the brush, whence they fired at the whites and shot Patrick Dunn through the left shoulder and Andrew Carter through the left arm. "One Indian only is known to have been killed, and a few slightly wounded." According to the accounts of interested parties this action occurred on the thirteenth of August. On the same day or that following, the Indian women and children of the encampment were collected and taken to the camp of the whites, which was the house of Messrs. Alberding and Dunn (now the General Tolman place), where a stockade had been constructed for the protection of the settlers and their families. On the seventeenth, Sambo and his warriors, numbering a dozen or so, came in voluntarily and surrendered to the whites and were provided for and retained at the "fort." Several families, including those of Samuel Grubb, Frederick Heber, Asa Fordyce, Isaac Hill and Robert Wright, were at this station, besides several single men whom the idea of mutual protection had drawn there. Having ample confidence in the good faith of their savage guests, no great precautions were taken to guard against surprise, and so the Indians had ample opportunity for an outbreak, which they effected on the morning of the twenty-third of August, as asserted by survivors, but on the seventeenth as given in various printed records. On this occasion they killed Hugh Smith, and wounded John Gibbs, William Hodgings or Hudgins, Brice Whitmore, Morris Howell and B. Morris. Gibbs died soon after at the stockade at Wagner's, where the whites moved for protection; Hodgings expired while being taken to Jacksonville, and Whitmore, reaching that place, died within a few days. The others recovered, as did Dunn and Carter, previously wounded, both of the men being alive and well at this day.
    In consequence of the murders described, a spirit of alarm necessarily spread itself throughout the country. The miners on Applegate, Foots, and other creeks abandoned their places and came into Jacksonville for protection. The settlers in various directions did the same, some of those who were better prepared "forting up," with the intention of resisting Indian attacks. The people who thus prepared to defend themselves were gathered mainly at T'Vault's place (the Dardanelles), N. C. Dean's (Willow Springs), Martin Angel's (now Captain Barnes') and Jacob Wagner's, in Upper Bear Creek Valley. As soon as possible a military company was formed in Jacksonville, having Ben Armstrong as captain, and John F. Miller, B. B. Griffin and Abel George as lieutenants, and Charles E. Drew, quartermaster. But within a few days this organization was superseded by others, a company of home guards taking the most of the men. This latter company was under the command of W. W. Fowler. A large proportion of the houses outside of Jacksonville were abandoned by the owners, and these were mostly burned by roving parties of natives, who were scattered for a few days over the whole valley.
    The people were compelled to seek assistance from wherever it might be procured and with this view dispatched messengers to Fort Jones, the newly established military post near Yreka. The messengers arrived there on the eighth of August, and Captain B. R. Alden, 4th U.S. Infantry, commanding Fort Jones, instantly set out for the scene of hostilities with a very small force of infantry, not more than twenty men all told, but with forty or fifty muskets, and a supply of cartridges. Simultaneously a large number of volunteers presented themselves at Yreka and agreed to serve under Captain J. P. Goodall and Jacob Rhoades, well known as Indian fighters. Captain Goodall's company numbered ninety men, all mounted, as were those of Rhoades' company, which was about sixty strong. Unfortunately the muster rolls of these two companies have been lost, so that it is impossible to present the names of all the members. Of Captain Goodall's company a partial list only is given, which will be found in its appropriate place.
    The volunteers raised in Southern Oregon were six companies in all, having as captains R. L. Williams, J. K. Lamerick, John F. Miller, Elias A. Owens, and W. W. Fowler. They were ordered--with the exception of Fowler's company, which was raised exclusively for the protection of Jacksonville, and which did no outside service--to rendezvous at Camp Stuart. An organization was here effected and the troops, the most formidable and numerous body of men thus far seen in this part of Oregon, assumed the semblance of an army. Each volunteer furnished, as a matter of course, his own riding animal and equipments. A quartermaster's department was extemporized for the occasion, and B. F. Dowell became master of transportation or equivalent title. Captain Alden, by wish of the volunteers, assumed command of the whole force, whose numbers probably reached three hundred men. All the volunteers were of course without uniforms, wearing merely their ordinary clothes, and carrying rifles and revolvers as dissimilar in pattern as their own garments. Their saddle animals were horses and mules indiscriminately. It would be difficult to conceive a body of soldiery of more irregular type than the "army" at Camp Stuart; but it would be equally difficult to imagine a body of men better adapted for Indian fighting in a rough country, or for that matter, in any country. The sequel of the short campaign which they carried on showed conclusively that with energetic and reliable commanders they were capable of the greatest services. The successful issue of their expedition it would seem was due to the energy and vigor with which their leaders moved upon the foe, and having found him, fought him relentlessly.
    Meanwhile, the malcontents who were scattered about the valley, doing much damage in the way of burning houses, barns, fences, etc., left that employment and sought security with Joe, Sam and other chiefs, who were gathered at Table Rock, making what preparations they could against the threatened attack of the whites. They selected a naturally strong position and fortified it with considerable skill, digging a ditch, rearing a wall of rocks and earth, and otherwise strengthening the place. They were reported to be in strong force, numbering not less than 300 (an exaggeration, doubtless), and consisting of the Table Rock band, and the subsidiary bands of Jim and Jake (the Butte Creek Indians), with the Applegates and a few Grave Creeks. These minor bands had been worse treated by the whites than had the Table Rock Indians, and in consequence were much worse affected toward them, and as a result they entered into the coming contest with alacrity. The attitude of Tipsu Tyee was a subject of anxiety to the endangered whites, but much to their surprise this Indian refrained entirely from hostilities throughout the war, which would have been thought a fitting opportunity for his hatred to vent itself. But he kept aloof from either party, doubtless fearing the whites less than the defection of the lukewarm chiefs, Sam and Joe, who were deemed likely to accept the first overtures on the part of the whites. Be the cause what it may, he remained personally in seclusion until after the close of hostilities.
    From the eighth to the sixteenth of August, movements were made with a view of ascertaining the savages' whereabouts, and the vicinity of Table Rock was reconnoitered, when it was found that they had abandoned their position and retired to the north or west. Their trail showed that they were in great force and nearly the whole tribe were together. They had sent out their scouts, and up to this time knew every move of the whites. They declared themselves satisfied to await the decision of warfare, and that they would fight until every white man was driven from the valley. Such bold, defiant talk naturally produced a great effect upon the whites, who were imbued with a sense of the fighting qualities of the Indians, and added to the anxiety of many for their families increased the feeling of apprehension throughout the valley. This feeling was heightened by the news of an engagement, the first of the war, between a party of whites under Lieutenant Burrel B. Griffin, of Miller's company, and a party of Indians under the redoubtable Old John. This fight occurred on the twelfth of August, on Applegate Creek, near the mouth of Williams' Creek (subsequently so named), The lieutenant, with some twenty men, had reached the main Applegate, at the mouth of Little Applegate, and proceeding thence to Sterling Creek, destroyed an Indian village. Some little resistance was experienced, and Private George Anderson was wounded in the hip. Moving down to Williams' Creek, the next day, an Indian band was found and followed, and when several miles up that stream, the men were ambushed by their wily foes and defeated with the loss of two, Lieutenant Griffin severely wounded in the right leg, and Private Francis Garnett killed. The engagement, which lasted three-quarters of an hour, was closely contested, and bravely and skillfully fought. The Indians, better sheltered than the whites, met with a heavier loss, as they acknowledged five killed and wounded. The soldiers were compelled to retreat finally, leaving the battlefield to the Indians. The savages probably outnumbered the whites by at least two to one, and had the additional advantage of being at home. But more than anything else that contributed to this success was the fact that Old John, their redoubtable war chief, led them, and by his strategy and foresight secured a victory. If their chief was so warlike the individual warriors of his band were hardly less so. Of one of them, "Bill," who was wounded at the fight on Williams' Creek, General Lane once said that he never met a braver man in peace or war. Their opponents, without in the least recognizing the valor and shrewdness of John and his band, sought to explain Griffin's defeat by asserting that the hostiles numbered from three hundred to five hundred--which is a palpable absurdity. Probably there were not more than fifty Indians present at the fight, nor were more required.
    John R. Harding (or Harden) and William R. Rose, of Lamerick's company were killed on August tenth, near Willow Springs, The two, with one or more companions, were on detached service, or, according to other accounts, were proceeding to Jacksonville; when having reached a point a mile north of the springs they were fired on by Indians concealed near the road, and Rose was killed, and Harding was shot through the hips. He escaped, as did the others, but died on August fourteenth (some accounts relate that he died in eleven hours). Rose's body, falling by the wayside, was stripped and mutilated, the throat cut and an eye gouged out; six hundred dollars upon his person were taken, and his saddle horse also.
    Other incidents of the eventful period preceding Lane's campaign of August 21-25 were the capture and shooting of a suspected Indian by Angus Brown, the hanging of an Indian child in the town of Jacksonville, and other acts of that nature, which reflects no credit upon those engaged therein. That stern-visaged war had wrought up people to deeds of this sort is not very remarkable. Five Indians, it is credibly reported, were hanged in one day, on a tree which stood near David Linn's residence.
    On the fourteenth of August a Mr. Ettlinger was dispatched north, with letters to the governor of Oregon and to other parties, setting forth the condition of affairs and soliciting aid to prosecute the war. General Lane heard the news when at his home on Deer Creek, and instantly set about raising volunteers. Fifty men joined his party, and with these he set out and traveled rapidly to the scene of hostilities. On arriving at Camp Stuart he found the main part of the troops there, together with Captain Alden and his regulars. The command of all was tendered to the General by Captain Alden, and by him accepted. Preparations for moving on the enemy had been made, and an active campaign was resolved upon.
    On or about the fifteenth, a detachment under Hardy Elliff was sent to the rear of the enemy's position behind Table Rock, in order to provoke an engagement; but their position had been evacuated, and the hostiles had withdrawn. On August sixteenth a detachment of Goodall's company was sent out, consisting of twenty-two picked men, commanded by Lieutenant E. Ely, with the design of discovering the enemy's whereabouts. So well did they perform their duty, that on arriving at Little Meadows, on Evans or Battle Creek, they ran upon the savages and lost several men in one of the sharpest skirmishes that has been known in the annals of Indian warfare. The scene of the collision was some two miles northwest of Table Rock, and about the same distance from the mouth of the stream which flows into Rogue River at the village now called Woodville. It was on the seventeenth of August; the men had picketed their horses in the flat and sat down to enjoy dinner; sentries were stationed, but soon left their posts and gathered with the rest around the smoking viands. Just at this blissful moment there came a volley of bullets from a fringe of willows close by that killed and wounded ten of their number. Leaving their horses they rushed to cover 250 yards away, and gaining a strong position in the brush and amid fallen trees, they kept the savages at bay. They fought the enemy in true Indian style, from behind the protection of trees and rocks, and probably inflicted considerable injury. Privates Terrell and McGonigle set out for help, and before the enemy had completely surrounded them got away and hastened to Camp Stuart, where Goodall's company was stationed, and reported that they had found the Indians, and that ten men with Lieutenant Ely were in a precarious situation, seventeen miles off and the Indians hi-as sollux ["very angry"].
    Goodall and his men set out at top speed, and in the shortest practicable time arrived on the field. J. D. Carly and five others were in the advance, and when the Indians saw them they decamped at once, carrying away eighteen horses, blankets, etc. The casualties inflicted on Ely's men were found to be--Sergeant Frank Perry and Privates P. Keith, A. Douglas, A. C. Colbourn, L. Stukting, and William Neff killed outright; and Lieutenant Ely and Privates Zebulon Sheets, John Alban and James Carroll wounded. Carl Vogt, a German, is said to have been killed at this fight, although his name is not to be found in any official documents relating to the killed in the war. The Indians had fallen back, and the main force under Captain Alden came up during the night, and all camped on the flat. The next morning the dead were buried with the honors of war. Scouts sent out reported that the Indians had retired a long distance into the mountains, setting fire to the woods in their rear, and almost obliterating their trail. It was decided by the council of officers that it was necessary to return to headquarters and recruit with jerked beef and other frontier relishes in preparation for still more arduous duties. This was done; and General Lane, most opportunely appearing, received the command of the whole army, as has been related.
    The commander-in-chief made the following disposition of his forces. The companies of Miller and Lamerick, composing a battalion in charge of Colonel Ross, were ordered to proceed down Rogue River to the mouth of Evans Creek, and thence up that stream to the supposed vicinity of the enemy, or to a junction with Captain Alden's command, which consisted of his regulars and the two California companies of Goodall and Rhoades. This division was ordered to proceed up Trail Creek to the battle ground where Ely was found by the Indians. The orders were to find the enemy's trail and pursue it regardless of the whereabouts of the other battalion. General Lane himself proceeded with Captain Alden's division. Scouts reported late in the day of starting that the Indians had taken to the mountains west and north of Evans Creek; hence the General ordered a halt and the forces encamped for the night. Early on the following day (August 23), the line of march was taken up and the Indian trail was followed through a very difficult country, mountainous, precipitous and bushy, where there was constant prospect of going astray, as the trail left by the savages was very dim and nearly obliterated by fire. Late in the afternoon, having crossed a high mountain, the command reached a branch of Evans Creek and halted for the night. The horses were allowed to feed on the bulrushes which grew by the side of the stream and which alone had escaped the forest fires. Indian "sign" had been noticed, it being small patches of ground left unburned, recently killed game, etc., thus indicating the proximity of the enemy. On the morning of the twenty-fourth, a shot was heard, which was known to come from the Indian camp. Scouts came in directly afterward and reported the enemy encamped in a thick wood filled with underbrush, and apparently impenetrable to horses. General Lane decided to attack instantly. Captain Alden insisted on leading the advance with his little force of regulars, and the whole command (with the exception of a detachment of ten men under Lieutenant Blair of the Humbug volunteers, who were sent to turn the enemy's flank) precipitated themselves on the enemy's position. The first intimation that the savages had of the approach of the army (which they doubtless thought still at Camp Stuart), was a volley of bullets. They were not stampeded by this rough salute, however, but catching up their guns entered with zest into the fight, while the squaws and other impedimenta were sent out of harm's way. A small force having been sent down a ridge to prevent the enemy's escape in that direction, all the remaining volunteers were brought into action in the Indians' front, and each man, selecting a tree, got behind it and fired at the enemy, who were equally well concealed. The result was that the casualties were not very numerous. Captain Alden was wounded early in the fight, and his regulars had difficulty in preserving him from the Indians, who attempted his capture as he lay upon the ground. The soldiers kept them at bay, however, until the wounded officer was removed to the shelter of trees. Pleasant Armstrong, of Yamhill County, a much respected gentleman who had volunteered with his friend General Lane, was mortally wounded by a bullet in the breast and fell, it is said, exclaiming, "A dead center shot!" The fight was very warm, and had lasted for an hour, when the pack trains arrived with their guard. Leaving fifteen men to guard the animals, General Lane took command of the others, not more than ten in number, and ordered a charge, to drive the natives from their cover. Being in advance, he approached within thirty yards of the nearest Indians, when he received a severe bullet wound through the right arm. Still exposing himself, he was forcibly dragged back behind a tree, where he continued to direct the fight. He gave orders to extend the line of battle so as to prevent the Indians from outflanking his force, and feeling the loss of blood, retired temporarily to have his wound attended to. The savages still held their strong position, and it was thought that they could not be driven from it. At this juncture the Indians, having found that General Lane was in command of the whites, began to call to him and to the soldiers, professing their readiness to treat for peace. A close wa-wa seemed very desirable to them, as they could not get away, and did not wish to risk further attacks. Robert Metcalfe, subagent for the Indians, went to their camp, and through him and others negotiations were commenced, General Lane having returned to the front. Not wishing to inform the savages of his wound, the General went among them, having thrown a heavy coat over his shoulders so as to conceal his arm. In spite of pain and inconvenience he conversed with the Indians throughout an interminable peace talk, and ultimately agreed with them upon terms for a cessation of hostilities. No definite arrangements were made upon the occasion, but it was agreed between Chief Joe, who was in charge of the Indian force, Sam being absent, that a final peace talk should be held at Table Rock, within a few days; and that the Indians should proceed there in a body and await the results of the conference. Seven days were agreed upon as the duration of the armistice, after which the natives were to deliver up their arms to General Lane, and go upon the reservation at Table Rock which was to be, and afterwards was, duly set off.
    During the following night both sides received accession to their forces, Colonel Ross arriving with the battalion, and Chief Sam coming in with about half the warriors, with whom he had been reconnoitering for a permanent camp. It seems that as soon as the engagement began, runners were sent out by Joe to apprise his brother of the state of affairs and hasten his return. The distance prevented his arrival in time to take part in the fight, and his braves had no opportunity to display their valor. It is the opinion of many who took part in that battle that Joe's deliberate intention was to throw the whites off their guard by professions of peace, and having done so to recommence hostilities at a time when all the advantages were with his side. It is possible that he was only waiting for Sam's braves in order to commence a massacre of hundreds of sleeping volunteers. It would be in consonance with the Indian character to act in that manner, therefore it may have been providential that Ross' battalion arrived when it did.
    Peace and good will reigned between white and red man when war's stern alarms were so quickly changed into the piping of peace, and in figurative language the lion and the lamb lay down together. The Indian ponies and the American horses were turned loose to browse, and the Indians furnished a relief party to assist in bringing in the American wounded. They themselves owned to a loss of twelve killed and wounded, which is very likely, considering the superior excellence of white men's marksmanship. John Scarborough, of the Yreka volunteers, and P. Armstrong, aides to the general, were killed, and General Lane, Captain Alden, privates Thomas Hays (Humbug volunteers), and Henry Flesher and Charles Abbe (Yreka volunteers) were wounded, the latter mortally. Captain Alden died two years later from the result of his wound [he died in 1870], and General Lane never quite recovered from his own hurt. [Lane recovered from his wound, in the same arm wounded at Buena Ventura, only to be wounded in the same arm again in 1861.]
    As soon as the terms of the armistice were arranged, the troops took up their march homeward and went into camp at Hailey's (Bybee's) ferry, giving the location the name of Camp Alden, in honor of the gallant Major.

    Reinforcements began to arrive from various quarters by the time the forces returned to the valley. Ettlinger had faithfully performed his duty, and presented the Governor with memorials from citizens and officials of Jacksonville and vicinity, which set forth the dangerous condition of affairs and appealed for help. Among other things a howitzer was asked for, and this request was referred by the governor to the authorities at Fort Vancouver, who sent the weapon with a supply of ammunition, forty muskets with accoutrements, 4,000 cartridges, and some other articles. Lieutenant Kautz, since general, was sent in charge of the howitzer, with seven experienced men. Acting Governor Curry made proclamation for an armed guard of citizen volunteers to accompany the Lieutenant and his charge. In obedience to the call forty-one men volunteered, and led by J. W. Nesmith, with Lafayette Grover as lieutenant, hastened to the scene of hostilities. Lieutenant Grover went in advance with twenty men, and was joined at South Umpqua, on September first, by Judge M. P. Deady, who was on his way to Jacksonville to hold court. The next night they stopped at Levens' station, and a day or two later came to Table Rock, too late to be of service, but in time to assist at the peace talk. Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon, and Samuel H. Culver, government Indian agent, successor of Judge Skinner, who had resigned his charge, also arrived. From Port Orford came Captain A. J. Smith, with his company of the first dragoons, sixty men in uniform, an imposing and unfamiliar sight to the people of the valley. These had slowly and laboriously toiled through devious trails, over fallen trees and through the almost impenetrable wildwood tangles along Rogue River to where their assistance might be needed, but only to find their services useless, unless it was to awe the haughty savage whose heart was yet divided in its councils. Owing to Palmer's failure to arrive at the time appointed, the peace talk was postponed until September tenth. Meantime the volunteers lay about headquarters talking over occurrences of the past fortnight and speculating upon those to come. They were 400 strong, and had little need to fear the results of future deliberations. Besides, Smith and Kautz were at hand and the former's sabers and the latter's twelve-pound howitzer with its shells, spherical case shot and canister, would soon make short work of the comparatively defenseless aborigines. The latter, too, talked and thought of the new dispensation of affairs, and looked with wonder and awe upon such preparations for their injury, and begged General Lane--"Tyee Joe Lane"--not to have the hy-as rifle fired, which took "a hatful of powder and would shoot a tree down."
    The inevitable war correspondent was abroad, even in that day, and under the title of "Socks" wrote to the Statesman of his visit to headquarters:
    "Never having seen General Lane, my curiosity prompted me to visit his camp day before yesterday. Having seen generals in the States togged out in epaulets, gold lace, cocked hats and long, shining swords, I expected to find something of the kind at headquarters. But fancy my surprise on being introduced to a robust, good-looking middle-aged man, with his right arm in a sling, the shirt sleeve slit open and dangling bloody from his shoulder, his legs encased in an old pair of gray breeches that looked like those worn by General Scott when he was exposed to the 'fire in the rear.' One end of them was supported by a buckskin strap, in place of a suspender, while one of the legs rested upon the remains of an old boot. His head was ornamented by a forage cap that from its appearance recalled remembrance of Braddock's defeat. This composed the uniform of the hero 'who never surrenders.'
    "The 'quarters' were in keeping with the garb of the occupant; it being a rough log cabin about sixteen feet square, with a hole in one side for a door, and destitute of floor and chimney. In one corner lay a pile of sacks filled with provisions for the troops, in another a stack of guns of all sizes, from the old French musket down to the fancy silver-mounted sporting rifle, while in a third sat a camp kettle, a frying pan, a coffee pot minus the spout, a dozen tin cups, four pack saddles, a dirty shirt and a moccasin. The fourth corner was occupied by a pair of blankets said to be the General's bed; and on a projecting puncheon lay ammunition for the stomach in the shape of a chunk of raw beef and a wad of dough. In the center of the 'quarters' was a space about four feet square for the accommodation of guests. Such being the luxuries of a general's quarters, you may judge how privates have fared in this war."
    A pleasant incident of the stay at Camp Alden was the flag presentation. The ladies of Yreka had decided to honor the braves of that locality who had so promptly volunteered in defense of their neighbors across the line, and had prepared flags and sent them through Dr. Gatliff to Camp Alden. The doctor gave them to General Lane, and a ceremony was arranged for the afternoon of September first. The two companies of Rhoades and Goodall, escorted by Terry's Crescent City Guards (an independent organization which volunteered to fight Indians, but performed no service owing to the abrupt close of the war), were marched up, and with appropriate words the General presented the banners.
    On the tenth of September the leaders of opposing races met at the appointed place on the side of Table Rock and discussed and agreed upon terms of peace. The occasion was a remarkable one; and brought together many remarkable individuals. Many of those who were eyewitnesses of the "peace talk" still live, and several have attained to honor and distinction. From the pens of two of these we have lifelike and intelligible accounts of that meeting which was in some respects the most remarkable occurrence that ever took place in Southern Oregon. Judge M. P. Deady wrote concerning it:
    "The scene of this famous 'peace talk' between Joseph Lane and Indian Joseph--two men who had so lately met in mortal combat--was worthy of the pen of Sir Walter Scott and the pencil of Salvator Rosa. It was on a narrow bench of a long, gently sloping hill lying over against the noted bluff called Table Rock. The ground was thinly covered with majestic old pines and rugged oaks, with here and there a clump of green oak bushes. About a half mile above the bright mountain stream that threaded the narrow valley below sat the two chiefs in council. Lane was in fatigue dress, the arm which was wounded at Buena Vista in a sling from a fresh bullet wound received at Battle Creek. Indian Joseph, tall, grave and self-possessed, wore a long black robe over his ordinary dress. By his side sat Mary, his favorite child and faithful companion, then a comparatively handsome young woman, unstained with the vices of civilization. Around these sat on the grass Captain A. J. Smith--now General Smith of St. Louis--who had just arrived from Port Orford with his company of the First Dragoons; Captain Alvord, then engaged in the construction of a military road through the Umpqua Canyon and since paymaster of the U.S.A.; Colonel Bill Martin of Umpqua, Colonel John E. Ross of Jacksonville and a few others. A short distance above us on the hillside were some hundreds of dusky warriors in fighting gear, reclining quietly on the ground.
    "The day was beautiful. To the east of us rose abruptly Table Rock and at its base stood Smith's dragoons, waiting anxiously with hand on horse the issue of this attempt to make peace without their aid. After a proposition was discussed and settled between the two chiefs, the Indian would rise up and communicate the matter to a huge warrior who reclined at the foot of a tree quite near us. Then the latter rose up and communicated the matter to the host above him, and they belabored it back and forth with many voices. Then the warrior communicated the thought of the multitude on the subject back to his chief; and so the discussion went on until an understanding was finally reached. Then we separated--the Indians going back to their mountain retreat, and the whites to the camp."
    J. W. Nesmith, who was present and quite prominent at the treaty, has left some additional particulars of interest. He says:
    "Early in the morning of the tenth of September, we rode toward the Indian encampment. Our party consisted of the following persons: General Lane, Joel Palmer, Samuel Culver, Captain A. J. Smith, 1st Dragoons; Captain L. F. Mosher, adjutant; Colonel John Ross, Captain J. W. Nesmith, Lieutenant A. V. Kautz, R. B. Metcalfe, J. D. Mason, T. T. Tierney. After riding a couple of miles we came to where it was too steep for horses to ascend and, dismounting, we proceeded on foot. Half a mile of scrambling over rocks and through brush brought us into the Indians' stronghold, just under the perpendicular cliff of Table Rock, where were gathered hundreds of fierce and well-armed savages. The business of the treaty began at once. Much time was lost in translating and retranslating, and it was not until late in the afternoon that our labors were completed. About the middle of the afternoon an Indian runner arrived, bringing intelligence of the murder of an Indian on Applegate Creek. He said that a company of whites under Captain Owens had that morning captured Jim Taylor, a young chief, tied him to a tree and shot him to death. This news caused the greatest confusion among the Indians, and it seemed for a time as if they were about to attack General Lane's party. The General addressed the Indians, telling them that Owens who had violated the armistice was a bad man, and not one of his soldiers. He added considerable more of a sort to placate the Indians, and finally the matter of' 'Jim's' death was settled by the whites agreeing to pay damages therefor in shirts and blankets."
    The treaty of peace of September 10, 1853, contained the following provisions: Article 1 defines the boundaries of the lands occupied by the Rogue River and related tribes. The principal geographical points mentioned as lying upon these boundaries are, the mouth of Applegate Creek, the summit of the Siskiyou Mountains at Pilot Rock, the Snowy Butte (Mount Pitt), and a point near the intersection of the Oregon road near Jumpoff Joe Creek. All Indians within these limits were to maintain peace with the whites, restore stolen property, and deliver up any of their number who might infringe the articles of the treaty. The second article provides that the tribes should permanently reside on a reservation to be set apart. According to article three they were to surrender all firearms except fourteen pieces, which were reserved for hunting. According to article 4, when the Indians received pay for their surrendered lands, a sum not exceeding $15,000 was to be set aside to pay for whatever damages they had caused. By article 5, they were to forfeit their annuities if they again made war. In article 6 they agree to inform the agent if hostile tribes entered the reservation.
    A supplemental treaty regarding the sale of the Indians' lands was entered into on the same day. By it they ceded to the United States government all their right to the lands lying within these boundaries: Commencing at a point on Rogue River below the mouth of Applegate Creek, thence southerly to the divide between Applegate and Althouse creeks; thence along the divide to the summit of the Siskiyou Mountains; thence easterly to Pilot Rock; thence to the summit of Mount Pitt; thence to Rogue River; thence westerly to Jumpoff Joe Creek; thence to place of beginning.
    The Indians were to occupy temporarily a reservation on Evans Creek, west and north of Table Rock, until another residence was found for them.
    In consideration for the transfer of their rights, the agents agreed to pay the Indians sixty thousand dollars; of which fifteen thousand were to be retained as provided in the treaty of peace. The damages caused by the Indians were to be estimated by three disinterested persons. Five thousand dollars were to be expended in purchasing blankets, clothing, agricultural implements, and other desirable and necessary articles. The remaining forty thousand dollars were to be paid in sixteen annual payments of livestock, blankets, necessaries of life, etc. Three dwelling houses, one for each of the principal chiefs, were to be erected, at a cost of not more than five hundred dollars each. The remaining provisos relate to the nonmolestation of the whites passing through the reservation; to the referral of grievances to the resident Indian agent; to the discovery of thefts, murders, etc.; and to the ratification of the treaty by the President, at which time it would take effect. The treaty for the cession of lands bore the signatures of Joel Palmer, Samuel H. Culver, Joe Aps-er-ka-har, Sam To-qua-he-ar, Jim Ana-cha-ara, John, and Limpy.
    Here follow the names and organizations of those who took part in the war of 1853. No apology is needed for inserting them. They are the names of men who gave their services for the defense of their fellow beings, and to many of whom the thanks and gratitude of this later generation is due. It is a regrettable circumstance that the muster rolls of all the companies which were formed cannot be obtained. The missing ones are those of Terry's Crescent City Guards, Rhoades' Humbug Creek Volunteers, and Goodall's Yreka Volunteers. Of the latter a partial list is given from memory by their captain.
    ALTHOUSE MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS.--Mustered in August 24, 1853; discharged September 21, 1853--Captain, Robert L. Williams; First Lieutenant, John W. Burke; Second Lieutenant, William Mendenhall; Corporal, William T. Ross; Privates, Isaac Auger, Alfred Allen, Michael Bush, James B. Bowers, Gabriel Cooper, Joseph Cooper, William Fountain, Paul Fairclo, James Jordan, John Makin, William A. Moore, William McMahon, William Mitchell, Peter H. Peveler, Thomas Phillips, Jackson Rader, Vinson S. Ricketts, Robert Shaw, Alex. St. Gilles, William Shelley, Christopher Shelley, Harry Spurgeon, John Spurgeon, William Shin, Z. A. Triplett, Christopher Taylor, Robert G. Worthington.
    LAMERICK'S COMPANY.--Mustered August 7, 1853; discharged September 10, 1853--Captain, John K. Lamerick; First Lieutenant, John W. Babcox; Second Lieutenants, Anthony Little, William Hunter, Henry Green; Sergeant, S. B. Fargo; Corporal, John Swinden; Privates, Isaac Adams, G. H. Ambrose, Nicholas Belcher, John Benjamin, R. E. Bondevant, E. H. Blanchard, David Crockett, John Creighton, William Chase, William Crogey, Joseph Copeland, Vincent Davis, E. Downing, William Ewing, T. E. Estes, C. C. Gall, S. Gall, J. F. Hedrick, John W. Hillman, George Hillman, I. A. Hull, John R. Harding, G. H. Hazlett, W. B. Howe, Robert Hill, D. C. Ingles, James T. Jones, A. J. Kane, Henry Klippel, John Lancaster, Lawrence LaPointe, Levi Libby, John Milligan, Roderick McLeod, Malcolm McKay, J. W. Patrick, Alonzo Price, A. Russell, Solomon Rader, William R. Rose, J. R. Reynolds, William M. Sevens, Peter Snellback, S. B. Sarles, S. R. Senor, William G. T'Vault, David Thompson, Gustaf Wilson, Thomas Wilson, J. B. Wagner, Charles Williams, T. B. Willard, H. N. Winslow.
    MILLER'S COMPANY.--Mustered in August 8, 1853; discharged November 2, 1853.--Captain, John F. Miller; First Lieutenant, Burrel B. Griffin; Second Lieutenants, Abel George, Alfred Waterman; Sergeants, Claes Westfeldt, J. C. McFarland, William Hiatt, James Mattony; Corporals, A. J. Mattoon, Andrew Herron, James King, Payton W. Cook; Farrier, William Hill; Privates, Benjamin Armstrong, Jesse Adams, Moses Adams, George Anderson, Thornton Anderson, Benjamin Antram, Richard Barker, Richard Benson, James Bailey, Henry Brown, Moses Bellinger, D. Bates, John Bland, David Brown, Daniel Carlysle, Daniel F. Counsel, David D. Calhoun, Hugh C. Clawson, William Duke, Martin Elliott, Kela Farrington, Carter L. Fuller, Francis Garnett, Lewis D. Gibson, William M. Griffin, Thomas Gill, Thomas Guthrie, William Gee, John B. Rice, Lewis Hiatt, Jesse Hiatt, James Huggins, Charles B. Houser, David Hicks, Samuel Hicks, Abraham G. Hedden, Martin Hoover, N. Hulz, Thomas Inman, Charles Johnson, William Johnson, David C. Jamison, Thomas B. Jackson, Lycurgus Jackson, Isham P. Jones, J. T. Jones, John Layton, George Ludlow, Hugh Lyle, Jacob Long, Elijah Leasure, William Lippard, William P. Miller, Isaac Miller, John S. Miller, Green Matthews, William J. Morrison, Samuel Moore, John T. Moxley, John Meader, Elijah McCall, John McCombs, David McRae, Andrew McNeal, Thomas McF. Patton, Cornelius Napp, Joshua Noland, John Orton, John Osborne, Henry Patterson, Sylvester Pease, Robert Parker, R. Pearce, Alonzo Pattee, Christian Peterson, David Redpath, Abraham Robinson, Josiah Register, E. Ransom, Edward Smith, James F. Stewart, John Shorkman, Enoch Springer, William M. Shaffer, James Stephens, Oscar T. Sandford, Thomas I. Sutton, John Thurber, Henry C. Turner, James Toabeler, Titus B. Willard, J. Wilkes, C. L. Wilcox, Alexander Williamson, Charles Wright, Charles Wright (Indian), Washington Waters, J. Willis, Elijah Williams, Samuel Williams, Samuel Wilkes.
    HALSTEAD MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS.--Mustered in August 21, 1853; discharged September 14, 1853--Captain, Elias A. Owens; First Lieutenants, Benjamin Halstead, Thomas Frazelle; Second Lieutenant, Silas Crandle; Sergeant, William B. Lewis; Privates, A. Allen, Sherlock M. Abrams, Charles Bushman, N. C. Boatman, Samuel S. Bowden, Louis Dernois, Joseph Despar, Robt. M. Denton, Jas. P. Frazelle, John Frazelle, John Green, Silas R. Howe, William S. Hancock, Albert P. Hodges, William Johnson, Henry Kelly, William King, James Lafferty, John Lynch, Alexander McCloy, James Mungo, J. W. Pickett, Robert L. Smith, David Sexton, Joseph Umpqua.
    YREKA VOLUNTEERS.--Mustered August 11; discharged------Captain, Jas. P. Goodall; First Lieutenant, Simeon Ely; Second Lieutenants, Philyar A. Bodwell, Geo. W. Tyler; Sergeants, John W. Fairchild, Joseph G. Barber, James Thomas, Frank Perry; Corporal, Mike Brown; Privates, John Alban, Kilian Albert, Charles Abbe, Asa Colburn, Carl Vogt, William Neff, Isham P. Keith, Alfred Douglass, John Scarborough, James Bradley, James Bruce, John W. Crowell, Philip Edwards, William Terrill, McGonigle, Christopher Shack, Henry Flesher, William Lewis, Joseph Gaunyaw, Robert Neal, James Carroll, Charles A. Johnson, James T. Hurd, Albert M. Price, John W. Cawood, Charles Lacey, D. V. Ellington, George Charles, J. D. Carly.
    NESMITH'S COMPANY.--Enlisted in the Willamette Valley, in compliance with the Governor's proclamation--Captain, J. W. Nesmith; First Lieutenant, L. F. Grover; Second Lieutenant, W. K. Beale; Surgeon, J. D. McCurdy; Sergeant, J. M. Crooks; Privates, Samuel B. Gregg, Ben. McCormack, Jas. Gay, H. S. Young, James Pritchett, R. Woodfin, Francis A. Haynes, S. T. Burch, J. Fortune, G. H. McQueen, F. M. P. Goff, W. E. Clark, J. W. Jones, R. C. Hague, J. A. Millard, Samuel E. Darnes, Wm. Beale, Samuel Abbott, Jas. S. Rose, James M. Baldwin, Z. Griffin, J. Jones, Thos. W. Beale, A. A. Engles, James Stanley, George W. Cady, John McAllister, R. C. Breeding, N. F. Herren, John Ragsdale, David Kirkpatrick, Wilson Blake, Horace Dougherty, James Daniel, J. M. Case, J. W. Toms.
    HOSPITAL ATTACHES.--In the military hospital at Jacksonville, in 1853, E. H. Cleaveland, as surgeon and medical director, was in charge, assisted by eleven attaches--R. A. Caldwell, C. Davenport, Thomas Gregory, W. W. Hanway, George Hillman, J. B. Hice, John Inman, James S. Lowery, Francis Peirce, J. B. Shepley, and B. W. Woodruff. These men served various terms, ranging from sixteen to sixty-three days, for which they received pay at the rate of five dollars per day and rations.
    LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED.--On Applegate Creek, August 8, George Anderson wounded, and on the following day B. B. Griffin, first lieutenant in the same company (Miller's), wounded, and Francis Garnett, private, killed; on August 10, while on detached service, John R. Harding and William R. Rose, privates, Lamerick's company, killed; on August 17, at Little Meadows, Sergeant Frank Perry and Privates Asa Colburn, Alfred Douglass, Isham P. Keith, William Neff and L. Stockting killed or mortally wounded, and First Lieutenant Simeon Ely and Privates Zebulon Sheets, John Alban and James Carroll severely wounded, all belonging to Goodall's company; on the twenty-fourth of August, at Battle Creek, Private Thomas Hays of Rhoades' company, and Henry Flesher and Charles Abbe of Goodall's company were wounded, the latter dying of his wounds on the second of September, and John Scarborough, private of Goodall's company, was killed; August 28, at Long's Ferry, First Lieutenant Thomas Frazelle and Private James Mungo (Indian), were killed in battle; September 14, Thomas Phillips, private in Williams' company, was killed by the Indians on Applegate Creek; on October 4 occurred the last casualty of the war, in the wounding with arrows of Private William Duke, of Miller's company.
    When General Lane and his officers made the treaty with Joe and his people, there were many persons who in a subdued manner opposed it, and prognosticated its utter failure. These people were of the sort who in the earlier days of August had said: "Hang the Indian children; they will grow up to be our enemies." They urged a war of extermination; humanity's dictates were too refined to be applied to cases wherein Indians were concerned. This class, while they affected to deplore the horrible massacres of whites, still did their utmost to rouse the Indians to other deeds of like savagery, by inflicting on them unprovoked acts which really brave and merciful people abhor. It is a fact that after the Lane treaty was signed, its provisions were repeatedly broken by whites, who deliberately murdered unsuspecting and helpless Indians. Chief Joe, whom none of his white contemporaries suspected of falsehood, said at the Lane peace conference that he did not begin war nor seek to retaliate until fourteen of his tribe had been shot or hung by the whites. Lest these remarks should be misunderstood, the reader is informed that they apply only to that irresponsible element in the population which had but little respect for law and justice, and not to that great body of respectable and law-abiding citizens who cast their lot in Southern Oregon, and by thirty years of industry have made it what it is today.
    During the armistice and subsequent to the signing of the treaty, the class of exterminators alluded to kept up their efforts to kill off as many Indians as they could, regardless of any moral restriction whatever. Revenge was the motto, and these men lived up to it. Not half of the outrages which were perpetrated on Indians were ever heard of through newspapers; yet there are the accounts of several, and these are of a most cold-blooded description. We will allude lightly to a few examples. Captain Bob Williams, stationed with his company on the banks of Rogue River, during the armistice was not too brave and magnanimous to attempt to kill two children, the sons of Chief Joe; but General Lane with the utmost haste ordered his removal from the locality to another, where there would be less opportunity for the exercise of his propensities. We have the evidence of no less an authority than Judge Deady to prove that a fearful outrage was perpetrated at Grave Creek after the armistice was agreed upon. He writes: "At Grave Creek I stopped to feed my horse and get something to eat. There was a house there, called the 'Bates House,' after the man who kept it. It was a rough, wooden structure without a floor, and had an immense clapboard funnel at one end, which served as a chimney. There was no house or settlement within ten or twelve miles or more of it. There I found Captain J. K. Lamerick in command of a company of volunteers. It seems he had been sent there by General Lane after the fight at Battle Creek, on account of the murder of some Indians there, of which he and others gave me the following account:
    "Bates and some others had induced a small party of peaceable Indians who belonged in that vicinity to enter into an engagement to remain at peace with the whites during the war which was going on at some distance from them, and by way of ratification to this treaty, invited them to partake of a feast in an unoccupied log house just across the road from the 'Bates House;' and while they were partaking, unarmed, of this proffered hospitality, the door was suddenly fastened upon them, and they were deliberately shot down through the cracks between the logs by their treacherous hosts. Nearby, and probably a quarter of a mile this side of the creek, I was shown a large, round hole into which the bodies of these murdered Indians had been unceremoniously tumbled. I did not see them, for they were covered with fresh earth."
    Some miners from Sailor Diggings attacked a rancheria on Illinois River or Deer Creek, as the accounts go, and killed two of the seven male Indians present. The others hastily seized their bows and arrows, and began a lively resistance. Two white men were hit, which so discouraged the others that they ran away. The act of aggression was severely denounced by other people, and the term "desperado" was applied to the perpetrators. Agent Culver was sent for to investigate matters, but it is not known that the guilty parties were ever brought to justice; indeed, there is a certain presumption that they were not.
    An incident bearing somewhat upon this question is worthy of mention, though it occurred somewhat outside of the region supposed to be covered by the Lane treaty. On January 28, 1854, a small party of armed men from the Randolph mines, in Coos County, went to a rancheria, attacked the Indians and killed fifteen, as far as is known, without provocation. Two squaws were shot dead, one with her babe in her arms. The next day the miners passed a law providing that whosoever should sell or give any gun, rifle or pistol to Indians should for the first offense receive thirty-nine lashes, and for the second offense should suffer death. Meeting considerable adverse criticism for their attack upon the helpless and unarmed creatures at the rancheria, these men next proceeded to hold a meeting and pass resolutions, one maintaining that the Indians at the time were on the eve of an outbreak, and another congratulating themselves on their bravery! The whole absurd proceedings are contained in a letter written by one of the assailants to the Oregon Statesman of contemporary date, and in the report of the Bureau of Indian Affairs for 1854, within which may be found letters from F. M. Smith, agent at Port Orford. and G. H. Abbott, leader of the attacking force of miners.
    It does not require the thorough investigation to which the records of these events have been subjected by the writer to determine conclusively that while the whites as a class were content with the treaty and obedient to its provisos, there was a considerable minority who lost no opportunity to manifest their contempt of the instrument and their disregard of its obligations. Nor were the Indians idle. As soon as the report of the killings at Grave Creek, at Applegate and other places had been bruited abroad, and the natives had become convinced that they were individually in as much danger as before the treaty, they began reprisals. They committed atrocities that were not exceeded in bloodthirstiness by those at whom they were aimed. A few days after the battle of Evans Creek Thomas Frazelle and Mungo were murdered by Indians on Rogue River, below Vannoy's. It seems that Frazelle owned a ferry in that locality, which he was constrained to leave at the commencement of hostilities. He joined Owens' company, of which he was chosen first lieutenant. On the day mentioned, he went home to examine into the condition of things, being accompanied by Mungo, a private of his company. On returning they arrived within two miles of Vannoy's, when they were fired on by concealed Indians, and Frazelle was instantly killed. Mungo, wounded, took refuge in a thicket and with his rifle kept the enemy at bay for hours until a relief party came to his aid. He was carried to Vannoy's, but died on arriving there. These men were said to have been killed in retaliation for the massacre of the Indians at Bates' house, but this assertion, of course, does not admit of proof. The same day (August twenty-eighth), the savages burned the house of Raymond, at Jumpoff Joe Creek, as well as two others in the vicinity.
    These disturbances were chiefly confined to Josephine County and the western part of Jackson County; or to speak more specifically, to the Grave Creek, Applegate Creek, Illinois River and Althouse Creek country.
    About the twelfth of September, 1853, there occurred a catastrophe of some note several miles below Deer Creek Bar. Two prospectors, Tedford and Rouse, were attacked by Illinois Indians, peaceable until that time, and both injured very severely. Rouse was cut in the face, and Tedford was shot in the left arm, shattering the bone. The men were alone at the time, but were speedily found by neighboring miners and carried to a place of safety. Tedford's injuries were mortal; he died within a week. This, and some slighter injuries perpetrated the same day on other parties, were the first hostile acts of the Illinois Indians, who until then had shown a tolerably peaceful disposition. This was in the absence of nearly all the fighting portion of the white community, who were with Captain Williams on the Rogue River. On their return a party was made up to pursue certain Indians who had stolen some property from the Hunter brothers, including quite a number of mules. The thieves were followed for three days, over rough mountains, across creeks and through jungles, and at last traced to an Indian village on Illinois River. This was attacked by the pursuers, and several Indians were killed; but the whites had ultimately to retire, Alex. Watts being slightly wounded in the attack. The regular troops shortly after occupied this village, after killing several of its inhabitants and driving the rest away. On their return to headquarters the Indians followed them, and killed Sergeant Day, wounded Private King, and retook sixteen stolen animals. Lieutenants Radford and Carter were in charge of the expedition, having been sent by Captain Smith, on the seventeenth of October, from Fort Lane, and the action took place on the twenty-fourth of the same month. It has always been supposed that the malcontents spoken of were Coast Indians, from the vicinity of Chetco. At any rate they were no triflers, as the whites found to their cost. On the twenty-sixth the miners again assembled, to the number of thirty-five, to make another descent upon the same camp, when the Indians' scouts discovered them and received them with unexpected warmth. William Hunter was wounded by three bullets, not seriously, and the party returned to their respective homes without carrying out their projected annihilation of the hostile camp. Michael Bushey was of the number, and through his exertions a treaty of peace and amity was entered into between the miners and the Indians of that rancheria. The Indians observed the treaty faithfully enough, but the whites were not so honorable. It has been mentioned how certain whites from Sailor Diggings attempted to "make good Indians" of seven "bucks" at a certain rancheria, but were driven off ignominiously. These Indians were the survivors of those who slew Sergeant Day, and foiled Bushey and his party. They were now living in quietness on Deer Creek, when attacked by the party from Sailor Diggings, who were said to have numbered twenty. Again Bushey, with Alex. Watts, patched up a treaty with them which existed until 1855, when certain events on the lower Klamath River, in which these Indians were implicated, sundered those pleasant relations.
    On Applegate Creek, September 2, four houses were burned by Indians, and their contents destroyed. At about the same date, or possibly a little later, a pack train coming from Crescent City was fired upon and the three Mexicans who drove were wounded, three mules were killed and all the merchandise captured by Indians. This closes the list of outrages perpetrated in that part of the country subsequent to the treaty, and the subject now leads us to consider the state of affairs on Rogue River.
    General Lane left for the north on or about October, 1853. But before taking leave of the people of the valley, he made a visit to Tipsu Tyee, hoping in the interests of peace to induce that much-feared warrior to join the Rogue River chieftains in amity to the whites. Tipsu had not made himself felt in the recent hostilities probably for reasons already set forth, but as if still further to signalize his independence of both white and Indian influence, he sent word to Jacksonville that he did not recognize the peace of September 10, and should not by any means subscribe to its terms. As for Sam, Joe, George, Limpy and the rest, they might do as they chose; he was upon his own land, came upon it first, and should remain upon it. This message presented a new difficulty. It seemed to the people and to the Indian agents alike that Tipsu Tyee needed to be put down. His outbreak of insolence ought to be punished. But to punish such an Indian as the wily old tyee was an undertaking of considerable difficulty, and very few were ready to attempt it. The chief stayed in his lair, and General Lane, who to great fighting qualities added a heart that was capable of feeling for even the most savage of God's creatures, paid him a visit in the interests of peace and humanity. Accompanied by two men only, he went into the mountains, found the chief, and entered upon an agreement with him by which the rights of the settlers were to be respected and grievances to be settled satisfactorily; and having taken leave of his host, returned safely from a journey which most men regarded as infinitely dangerous.
    The different companies (Lamerick's, Miller's, Owens', Goodall's, Rhodes', Williams', Terry's and Fowler's) were mustered out, with the exception of Miller's, during the early days of September, soon after the close of disturbances, and sent home. People were now returning to their customary occupations, generally well pleased with the result of the war and hoping that no more "unpleasantness" might supervene, as considerable force of regular troops had arrived, and Colonel Wright, with four companies from Benicia and Fort Reading, was daily expected. Captain Alden, convalescent, set out for Fort Jones, about the time that the military authorities resolved upon founding a permanent fortified camp near Table Rock. The Indians were safely domiciled near that locality, their reservation extending north and west of those prominent and celebrated landmarks. Their position was a good one and to their liking. Camas and ip-a roots grew there in profusion; salmon in their season swarmed in the river, game of all kinds was abundant in the neighboring mountains. Besides, it was in the land of their nativity; and though nominally confined to the narrow limits of a comparatively small tract, they were not perceptibly worse off than before. Opposite their home, the new military post reared its imposing front. Appropriately named Fort Lane, it was commodiously and even handsomely built, and in a manner well adapted to the uses of such a post. A stockade [there was no stockade] enclosed quite a spacious area in which was a parade ground, together with barracks for private soldiers, houses for officers, an armory, hospital, and other necessary buildings, all built of logs. It continued to be the headquarters of the military forces in this region for three years; at the end of the last Indian war being abandoned. A quarter of a century has seen the old fort fall into ruins, and today scarcely a vestige of what was once a lively encampment remains. The officers and men who guarded its wooden ramparts are scattered and many of them have found a soldier's grave. Some of them died fighting for the flag that waved above the old fort; others, forsaking that flag, espoused the "Lost Cause" and were lost with it.
    Very soon after the construction of the military post was resolved upon, a circumstance occurred which ranks as one of the most important, and at the same time singular, that we have to narrate. This was the murder of James C. Kyle, on the sixth of October, 1853, by Indians from the Table Rock Reservation. This sad affair took place within two miles of Fort Lane, at a time when the settlers were congratulating themselves that Indian difficulties were at an end. Kyle was a merchant of Jacksonville, partner of Wills, whose untimely and cruel death has been recorded. A rigid examination and investigation of the homicide proved that it was committed by individuals from the reservation, and the chiefs were called upon to surrender the criminals in compliance with the terms of the treaty. They did so; and two Indians, George and Tom, were handed over to the proper authorities as the murderers of Kyle, while Indian Thompson, tilicum [person] of the same tribe, who has been previously mentioned, was surrendered as the murderer of Edwards. Like Thompson, the other two suspects were tried before Judge McFadden of the United States circuit court, at Jacksonville, in February, 1854. They were found guilty, and hanged two days later.
    At the close of the Evans Creek campaign, General Lane, with commendable humanity and sagacity, remembering the helpless condition of the incoming migration of the season, dispatched a force of mounted men, being Miller's company, well armed and provisioned, to operate against the Indians in the region where such sickening butcheries were perpetrated the year before, and where Ben Wright and Captain Ross had done such good service in awing the savages and teaching them lessons of the white man's vengeance. Captain Miller proceeded thence with his men and throughout the season did excellent service in scouting, fighting those Indians who showed signs of hostility, and in piloting trains to their destination. They left Jacksonville September twelfth, and returning at the close of their campaign, were discharged from service on the second of November. Their total term of service was about three months. The only casualties happening to them while on the emigrant trail was the wounding of Private William Duke by Indians at Goose Lake, October fourth, and of Private Watt at another time and place. Captain Miller's command on this expedition consisted of 115 men.
    These occurrences complete the history of Indian difficulties for the year, and together constitute the natural termination of what is known as the "War of 1853." There is a short note to be appended relating to the indebtedness which grew out of the war. This was assumed by the United States; and however, the people of Southern Oregon might grumble--and grumble they did--at the attitude of the government and its army toward the settlers and the Indians, there was no grumbling heard concerning the assumption of the debt by the government, nor at the way in which that debt was paid. The muster rolls and accounts of all the eight companies and General Lane's staff (the General refused to accept compensation for himself), were made out and adjusted by Captain Goodall, as inspecting and mustering officer, acting under orders from General Lane, at the close of the war; and these papers were forwarded to Captain Alden at Washington, and being presented to Congress were promptly acted upon at the instance of that officer and General Lane, in his capacity as delegate to Congress from Oregon Territory. Major Alvord, paymaster of the United States army, under orders from the Secretary of War, paid off the volunteers, in coin, at Jacksonville and Yreka, in June and July, 1855. The commissary and quartermaster accounts were at the same time sent in draft to Governor Curry, and by him disbursed to the proper creditors. The total cost to the United States was about $285,000.

    Eighteen hundred and fifty-four was a year of peace for most of the Rogue River tribe, safely gathered on their reservation. The military force at Fort Lane kept in awe such roving vagabond savages as desired or might be led to commit outrages, and also such whites as, not having the fear of the law before their eyes, might seek to interfere with the natives. This latter class, numerous in most frontier countries, was doubly troublesome in Southern Oregon. There were grasping, avaricious men who seemed to begrudge the poor savages the very air they breathed. The reservation, some would say, is too good for them; it ought to be thrown open to settlement by whites. This class, too, were dissatisfied with the annuity that was promised the Indians. Nothing in our government's Indian policy commended itself to such men, unless it was the policy of referring the least of the Indians' faults to the stern arbitrament of bullets, while permitting white men to ride roughshod over them, regardless of right or justice.
    Tipsu Tyee, however, did not join his brother chiefs in their friendly attitude toward the whites, but on the contrary entered systematically upon a career of stealthy warfare which was manifested in attacks on quite a number of parties on and near the Siskiyou Mountains. He effectually terrorized a tract of country reaching from Ashland to beyond the Klamath, and during many months made unexpected descents upon white settlements, or robbed towns, with almost entire impunity. The first notable outrage was the affair near Ashland on August 17, 1853. The visit of General Lane to Tipsu's headquarters would appear to have been abortive, for at various times we find the chief active against the whites. The principal affair of the season was the fight near Cottonwood, resulting in the death of Hiram Hulen, John Clark, John Oldfield, and Wesley Mayden, who were killed in January, 1854, on the road between Jacksonville and Yreka, by Shasta Indians. This affair had a curious origin. A number of "squaw men" were living along the Klamath and about Cottonwood in the winter of 1853-4, and the women of two of these--Tom Ward and Bill Chance--deserted them and returned to their kindred, who were members of Tyee Bill's band of Shastas, dwelling in a large cave on the north bank of the Klamath, some twenty miles above Cottonwood. The squaw men proceeded after them, but on reaching the cave were ordered to leave. They immediately went to Cottonwood and falsely reported that a large number of stolen horses were in the possession of these Indians, when a company of men was raised to go and recover the animals. They went, and a fight ensuing, the four above mentioned were killed, and the rest driven away. The indignation in Cottonwood was great; the deceased were well-known citizens, and the people were not aware how they had been duped by the squaw men. Notice of the difficulty was sent to Captain Judah, commanding at Fort Jones, and he came up with a detachment of troops. A company of volunteers was raised at Cottonwood, commanded by R. C. Geiger, with James Lemmon as lieutenant. Their first act was to bury the bodies of Hulen and his friends, who served to start the new cemetery at Cottonwood, and were all buried in one grave. The regulars and volunteers went then to the cave, and laid siege to it, until Captain Geiger was killed by a bullet in his brain, from incautiously exposing himself. This happened on the twenty-sixth of January. On the same day Captain Smith arrived from Fort Lane with a detachment of regulars, and a mountain howitzer, and being the senior military officer, took command of the forces. He advanced to the vicinity of the cave and opened fire upon the mouth of it with his howitzer, but ineffectually except as to endangering the volunteers who were stationed near the Indians' den. An old trapper, Robinson by name, now arrived and told Captain Smith the origin of the difficulty. The officer suspended the bombardment and went to the cave accompanied by two men only, and conversed with Tyee Bill, who confirmed the trapper's story. Words, it was said, had no power to describe the officer's indignation. Exasperated at the idea of a military force belonging to the United States being engaged in a dispute concerning the possession of squaws, he took his departure with his command in great anger. The inhabitants of Cottonwood and of all the surrounding country were displeased with this action, and for years the people and press of the border refused to be placated.
    Bill's band remained at the cave but made no hostile demonstration. On the twelfth of May a Shasta named Joe made a felonious assault on a white woman, but was driven away by the approach of some men. He was pursued and fled to the cave. Lieutenant J. C. Bonnycastle, then in charge of Fort Jones, set out for the cave to compel his surrender, but halting on Willow Creek, was informed of the attack by Tipsu Tyee on Gage and Clymer's pack train on Siskiyou Mountain wherein David Gage was killed and the mules stolen. The next day Lieutenant Bonnycastle and command set out for the scene of the last outrage, and on arriving they found that the murder had been committed by six Indians, of whom four had departed toward the cave. The detachment immediately followed, and reaching that place, they found that the Indians they were in pursuit of had arrived there, and they were none other than Tipsu Tyee, his son, and son-in-law, and another member of their band. But justice had overtaken the notorious old creature at last, for Bill and his party had fallen upon the four and killed them just before the troops arrived, being incited thereto by a desire to win the friendship of the whites, to whom they knew Tipsu to be a bitter enemy. They scalped the dead chief and sent that ghastly trophy to the office of Judge Rosborough in Yreka where it was seen by that gentleman, as he informed the writer. Lieutenant Bonnycastle and Captain Goodall also saw the scalp, and not feeling perfectly assured of its identity, went to the cave and twice exhumed the body, finding satisfactory evidence that it was the old Tyee and none other. Tipsu is described by Colonel Ross and others who knew him as a tall and powerful man, wearing a beard or goatee which was tinged with gray. He had high cheekbones and a distinctively Indian appearance, but was a fine-looking brave. "He was a quiet, reserved man, who never went among white people when he could avoid it, but stayed almost constantly in the hills. He never begged, but if provisions or other gifts were offered, he would allow his squaws to receive them."
    The end of the Cottonwood affair is not yet told. The Shastas in the cave were visited by several individuals, among them Lieutenant Bonnycastle, Judge Steele, Judge Rosborough, special Indian agent; old Tolo chief of the Yreka Shastas and a friend of the whites; Captain Goodall and others, and persuaded to set out for Fort Jones, where they were to be kept. On arriving at Cottonwood Creek on June 24, they were fired upon by a gang of the miners of that vicinity, and Chief Bill was killed, and several others wounded. The whites lost one man, Thomas C. McKamey. The Indians finally got securely on the Fort Jones reservation. This is the extent of our chronicles concerning the Cave Shastas, and they drift now out of our story.
    The remaining incidents of 1854 are connected with the expedition of Captain Jesse Walker to assist the immigrants of that year through the dangerous grounds infested by the Modocs and other hostile tribes who had been punished by the previous expeditions of Captain Ross, Ben Wright and Captain Miller. Under date of July 17, 1854, Governor Davis addressed Colonel John Ross, authorizing him by virtue of his office as colonel in the Oregon militia to call into service a company of volunteers to protect the immigration and particularly to suppress the Modocs, Piutes, and other disaffected aborigines. Colonel Ross accordingly made proclamation on the third of August following, inviting enlistments for the term of three months. Some sixty or seventy men responded, whose names, with the officers they elected, are annexed: Captain, Jesse Walker; Lieutenants, C. Westfeldt, Isaac Miller; Sergeants, William G. Hill, R. E. Miller, Andrew J. Long; Privates, Benj. Antum, John Bormonler, David Breen, William Bybee, T. C. Banning, O. C. Beeson, Newton Ball, J. H. Clifton, R. S. A. Caldwell, Hugh C. Clauson, J. J. Coffer, W. W. Cose, David Dorsey, Henry C. Eldridge, W. M. D. Foster, T. V. Henderson, Jesse Huggens, J. B. Henit, J. M. Holloway, J. H. Hoffman, James Hathaway, John Head, John Halleck, John Hawkins, David W. Houston, Samuel Hink, William H. Jaquette, Eli Judd, J. P. Jones, L. W. Jones, John F. Linden, Peter Mowry, John Martin, Greenville Matthews, John M. Malone, B. McDaniel, James McLinden, John Pritchett, J. B. Patterson, Warren Pratt, Sylvester Pase, J. A. Pinney, George Ritchy, W. M. Rise, R. M. Robertson, E. A. Rice, Thomas Swank, Seth Sackett, J. R. Smith, N. D. Schooler, John Smith, John Shookman, Silas R. Smith, Marion Snow, Vincent Tullis, John Thompson, David Thompson, Peter H. Vanslyke, Samuel Wilks, Lafayette Witt, Squire Williams, Elijah Walker, George W. Wilson, M. Wolverton, James Wilks, Thomas P. Walker, James W. Walker, H. Wright.
    Colonel Ross' instructions to the officers before their departure were to proceed immediately to some suitable point near Clear Lake, in the vicinity of Bloody Point, and protect the trains. These instructions concluded: "Your treatment of the Indians must in a great measure be left to your own discretion. If possible, cultivate their friendship; but, if necessary for the safety of the lives and property of the immigration, whip and drive them from the road." Simultaneously with their starting, a small party of Yreka people also set out with the same object. These were only fifteen in number, but included, also, some very experienced Indian fighters. While traveling along the north shore of Tule Lake, they were greeted by a shower of arrows from the tules. They retired to await the Oregon company. When Captain Walker arrived, he sent forty men of his company with five Californians to attack the Indian village, which was situated in the marsh three hundred yards from where the attack had been made. This was destroyed without resistance, and all the men returned to camp at the mouth of the Lost River. The permanent rendezvous was made at Clear Lake; and here both companies established their headquarters. Lieutenant Westfeldt, with a mixed detachment of Oregonians and Californians, went eastward on the trail as far as the big bend of the Humboldt, to meet the coming immigrants. Trains were made up of the scattered wagons, and being furnished with small escorts, were sent on westward. The Californians soon returning home, Captain Walker set out to punish the Piutes, who had stolen stock from the immigrants. On October third he started with sixteen men, traveling northward from Goose Lake, when meeting a band of Indians, he chased them forty miles, coming the second day upon them where they were fortified on the top of an immense rock, named by him Warner's Rock, in remembrance of Captain Warner, killed there in 1849. The small party made a furious attack upon the stronghold, but was repulsed with one man, John Low, wounded. Returning to Goose Lake, they met and killed two Indians. Setting out again with twenty-five men, the determined captain again headed for Warner's Rock, and by traveling in the night, reached it without being suspected by the savages, who, it was found, had gone down from the rock, and were living on the bank of a creek. The men rode up to the camp, and formed a semicircle about it. At daybreak they began firing, and drove the Indians pell-mell into the brush, killing many. The only white man injured was Sergeant William Hill, who was severely wounded in the arm and cheek by a bullet from the gun of one of his companions. Returning now to Goose Lake and then homeward, they were mustered out of service at Jacksonville on November 6, 1854.
    Before closing this account of the events of 1854, there is mention to be made of two murders committed by Indians, the one of ------ Stewart, an immigrant, while proceeding westward on the wagon trail, in September; the other that of Edward Phillips. The latter homicide occurred on the Applegate, about the middle of April. It was supposed to have been the deed of certain Indians residing thereabouts, but which was laid to the charge of the tribe on Rogue River. Captain Smith detailed a detachment to inquire into the matter, whose commanding officer reported that the man had been killed in his own cabin, and evidently for the purpose of robbery, as his gun, ammunition and tools had been taken.
    As we have seen, the greater part of the difficulties which occurred during the year 1854 were outside of the Rogue River Valley, but they were still near enough to keep a portion of its inhabitants in a state of alarm.

    The latter portion of the history of Southern Oregon's Indian wars possesses a peculiar distinction. It describes exclusively the strong struggles of a single tribe against extermination; it tells their slow and gradual yielding, and finally the last act of their existence which bears interest to us; namely, their exile from the land of their birth. The subject which we took up lightly at the year 1827 has assumed a weightier character. Year by year the irrepressible conflict of races has taken on more alarming symptoms. The unavoidable termination as it approached bore to the people a more serious import. We can imagine the situation as after a lapse of nearly three decades we philosophize upon the subject. The Indians toward the end of 1855 are growing restless, even desperate. They have long felt and now recognize the tightening bands of an adverse civilization strangling them. The white men who came with fair promises, who brought trifling presents, and who broke their words as twigs are broken, outnumbered them by far. In the minds of the whites distrust increases. There has also crept in a new element and an influential one. Speculative gentlemen mused upon the profits of an Indian war, and took note how surely government reimbursed the contractors, the packers, the soldiers, of previous wars. Being without other means of accumulating wealth, why should they not keep an eye open to the chance of a war against the Indians. "A good crop pays well, but a good lively campaign is vastly more lucrative." These few schemers were ready to take advantage of a war, and doubly ready with their little bills; bills that the government found so exorbitant that it took alarm--imagined a grand conspiracy to bring on a war and by such means to defraud the treasury; and, finally, would pay no bills, not even those of honest volunteers who had periled life and limb in the country's need. Years after, there came J. Ross Browne, as treasury agent, who looked into the matter and found therein nothing but the traces of shrewd contractors and unscrupulous purveyors, and he bore evidence to the honesty and uprightness of the people, and to the legitimacy of the war. But this is a digression from our topic. The events of 1855 are easily susceptible of arrangement in historical form. Those which precede the beginning of hostilities (which took place October eighth), we are enabled to arrange in three series with reference to their locality, date of occurrence, and cause.
    We are informed that on May 8, 1855 ------ Hill was attacked and killed on Indian Creek, in Siskiyou County, California. Primarily this information is obtained from the official list of white persons killed by Indians, referred to as the work of a legislative committee. The next entry is to the effect that "Jerome Dyar and Daniel McKew" were killed on the first of June, on the road from Jacksonville to the Illinois Valley, and that, as in the former case, the killing was done by Rogue River Indians. On June second, says the report, Philpot was killed by the same Indians, in Deer Creek Valley. These constitute a chain of events to which particular attention should be paid in order to ascertain the comparative trustworthiness of the publication quoted from.
    From a careful comparison of accounts, oral as well as printed, it appears that a party of Illinois Indians, belonging possibly to Limpy's band, but more likely being the remnant of those active and formidable savages who so boldly resisted the attacks both of the regulars and the miners, as described in foregoing pages, went over to the Klamath River about Happy Camp, and robbed some miners' cabins, and then proceeding to Indian Creek, killed a man named Hill--sometimes spelled Hull--and precipitately returning, stole some cattle from Hay's ranch (afterwards Thornton's), and took their booty to the hills at the head of Slate Creek. On the day following, Samuel Frye set out from Hay's ranch with a force of eight men, and following the Indians into the hills, came upon them and killed or mortally wounded three of them, as the whites reported. The latter retired and probably were followed, as on the next day, while returning with reinforcements, it was found that the Indians had gone to Deer Creek and murdered Philpot and seriously wounded James Mills. The neighboring settlers and others moved immediately to Yarnall's stockade for safety, while Frye, with his military company, now increased to twenty men, were active in protecting them, and seeking the Indians. News was sent to Fort Lane, and Lieutenant Sweitzer with a force of twelve men came down and entered upon the search, only to find that the Indians had murdered Jerome Dyer and Daniel McCue, on the Applegate, where they had gone on their supposed way to the Klamath Lakes. A day or so later the Indians, finding their way blocked for escape to the eastward, surrendered to the troops and were taken to the Fort for safekeeping, as there were no regularly constituted authorities to receive them, and if once allowed to go out of the power of the soldiers would infallibly have been killed by the citizens, as indeed they well deserved. The Indians, fourteen in number, were brought up to the reserve, but Chief Sam put in forcible objections against their being allowed to come among his people, saying that some whites were endeavoring to raise disturbances among the latter, and their own good name would suffer, etc. To this Captain Smith and Agent Ambrose assented, and provided a place for the Indians at Fort Lane, where they were kept under guard, as much to prevent whites from killing them as to discourage them from running away.
    The next sequence of events that deserves notice constitutes the "Humbug War," well known by that name in Northern California. The whole matter, which at one time threatened to assume serious proportions, grew out of a plain case of drunk. Two Indians--whether Shastas, Klamaths, or Rogue Rivers there is no evidence to show, but presumably from the locality of the former tribe--procured liquor and became intoxicated, and while passing along Humbug Creek in California, were met by one Peterson, who foolishly meddled with them. Becoming enraged, one of the Indians shot him, inflicting a mortal wound; as he fell he drew his own revolver and shot his opponent in the abdomen. The Indians started for the Klamath River at full speed, while the alarm was given. Two companies of men were instantly formed and sent out to arrest the perpetrators. The information that an Indian had shot a white man was enough to arouse the whole community, and no punishment would have been deemed severe enough for the culprit if he had been taken. The citizens found on the next day a party of Indians who refused to answer their questions as they wished, so they arrested three of them and set out for Humbug with them. While on the road, two of the three escaped, the other one was taken to Humbug, examined before a justice of the peace and for want of evidence discharged. When the two escaped prisoners returned to their camp, it was the signal for a massacre of whites. That night (July 28) the Indians of that band passed down the Klamath, killing all but three of the men working between Little Humbug and Horse creeks. Eleven met their death at that time, being William Hennessy, Edward Parish, Austin W. Gay, Peter Hignight, John Pollock, four Frenchmen and two Mexicans. Excitement knew no bounds; every man constituted himself an exterminator of Indians, and a great many of that unfortunate race were killed, without the least reference to their possible guilt or innocence. Many miserable captives were deliberately shot, hanged or knocked into abandoned prospect holes to die. Over twenty-five natives, mostly those who had always been friendly, were thus disposed of. Even infancy and old age were not safe from these "avengers," who were composed chiefly of the rowdy or "sporting" class.
    Meantime some had said that the Indians who had committed the massacre had gone north. On the dissemination of this report, preparations for a pursuit were rapidly made, and about the first of August five companies of volunteers started for the north side of the Klamath. These were commanded by Captains Hale, Lynch, Martin, Kelly and Ream--the latter's men being mounted, while the others were on foot. The total force amounted to about two hundred. The Indians were found to have fled beyond the Klamath, and the volunteers, finding their trail, followed it closely. The pursued were carrying the man whom Peterson wounded, and had gone over the summit of the Siskiyou Range, and down into the valley of the Applegate, and made for the reservation at Fort Lane. When the five companies reached Sterling Creek, they camped, finding the Indians had escaped them and gone to the reservation. Here they held a meeting, and like all Americans in seasons of public anxiety, passed resolutions. Those were of the following tenor:
    At a meeting of the volunteer companies of Siskiyou County, state of California, who have been organized for the purpose of apprehending and punishing certain Indians who have committed depredations in our county, E. S. Mowry, Esq., was elected chairman, Dr. D. Ream, secretary, and the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
    WHEREAS, Certain Indians, composed of the Klamath, Horse Creek, and a portion of the Rogue River tribe, on or about the twenty-seventh or twenty-eighth of July, 1855, came upon the Klamath River, and there ruthlessly and without provocation murdered eleven or more of our fellow citizens and friends, a portion of whom we know to have escaped into the reservation near Fort Lane, Rogue River Valley, Oregon Territory, from the fact of having tracked them into said valley and from testimony of certain responsible and reliable witnesses; it is, therefore,
    Resolved, That a committee of five men, one from each company now present, be chosen to present these resolutions to Captain Smith, U.S.A., commandant at Fort Lane, and Mr. Palmer, the Indian agent for Oregon Territory. We would respectfully request Captain Smith, U.S.A., and Mr. Palmer, Indian agent, that they would, if in their power, deliver up to us the fugitive Indians who have fled to the reservation, in three days from this date, and if at the end of this time they are not delivered to us, together with all the stock and property, we would most respectfully beg of Captain Smith, U.S.A., and the Indian agent full permission to apprehend the fugitive Indians, and take the property wherever it may be found.
    Resolved, That if at the expiration of three days the Indians and property are not delivered to us, and the permission to seek for them is not granted, then we will, on our own responsibility, go and take them where they may be found, at all and every hazard.
    Resolved, That the following-named gentlemen compose the committee:
E. S. MOWRY, Chairman.
DR. D. REAM, Secretary.
    The committee went to Fort Lane and found that some of the stock stolen by the Indians was there, and that two Rogue River Indians who had been concerned in the massacre were then in the guardhouse. The committee waited upon Captain Smith, presented their credentials, and demanded the surrender of the stock and criminals. The Captain said that the animals would be delivered up on proof of ownership, but that the Indians could on no account be surrendered, except to the properly constituted authorities. Lieutenant Mowry then told him plainly that they came after the Indians and proposed to have them, if it was necessary to take them by force. This was too much for hot-tempered Captain Smith to endure. Threats from a citizen to a regular army officer were unheard of in his experience. He stormed furiously, declined to submit to dictation, and invited the bold Californians to put their threats in execution. They left, declaring that if the Indians were not forthcoming in three days they would take the fort by storm. The camp was then removed to a point within three or four miles of the fort, and the volunteers began to mature plans for its capture. Captain Smith made arrangements to repel attacks, placing his artillery (two or three small cannon) in position, loaded and trained upon the approaches, and suspended the visits of troops to the surrounding camps. The invaders evolved a plan for making the soldiers drunk, whereby they might enter the fort, but this fell through on account of communications being sundered; and within a day or two they left for their homes, feeling that a war against the government might terminate injuriously to them.
    After the war of 1855-6 closed, the Indian criminals in question, two in number, were surrendered to the sheriff' of Siskiyou, upon a warrant charging them with murder. They were taken to Yreka, and kept in jail until the grand jury met, and no indictment being found, they were released. But it happened that a number of men in that town had determined that the savages should die. As they walked forth from the jail these men locked arms with them, led them out of town, shot them and tumbled their bodies into an old mining shaft, where their bones yet lie.
    Years later appropriations were made by Congress for the pay of the men belonging to the five companies, and about 1870 a number of them actually received compensation for their services in this expedition.
    On the second of September an affray occurred in the upper part of Bear Creek Valley, Jackson County, which resulted in the death of a white man and the wounding of two others. A few days previously, some Indians, by some supposed to belong to the gang which committed the eleven murders on the Klamath, stole some horses from B. Alberding. The owner summoned his neighbors to assist in recovering them, and a very small company set out on the quest. Following the trail, they walked into an ambuscade of savages, and were fired upon. Granville Keene was killed, Alberding was wounded by a ball that struck him above the eye, J. Q. Faber was shot through the arm, and another man received a wound in the hand. The party hastily retired, leaving the body of Keene where it fell. On the following day a detachment of troops from Fort Lane proceeded to the scene of conflict and obtained the much mutilated remains, but the Indians, of course, were gone. The savages who were concerned in this diabolism were said by different accounts to number from five to thirty.
    The next event of the sort is a still more serious one, which occurred on the twenty-fifth of September, and involved the death of two persons. On the previous day Harrison B. Oatman and Daniel P. Brittain, of Phœnix, and Calvin M. Fields started from Phœnix, each driving an ox team loaded with flour destined for Yreka. Camping the first night near the foot of the Siskiyou Mountains, the train started up the ascent the next morning, doubling their teams frequently, as was made necessary by the steepness of the road. When within three hundred yards of the summit, Oatman and Fields advancing with two teams and one wagon, while Brittain remained with two wagons and one team, the latter heard five shots fired in the vicinity of the men in advance. Hurrying up the rise he quickly came in sight of the teams, which were standing still, while an Indian was apparently engaged in stripping a fallen man. Turning back, Brittain ran down the mountain, followed by a bullet from the Indian's rifle, but made his way unhurt to the Mountain House, three miles from the scene of the attack. Six men hastily mounted and returned to the summit. Oatman, meanwhile had escaped, and got to Hughes' house (now Byron Cole's) on the California side, and obtained help. He reported that at the time the attack began, a youth named Cunningham, who was returning from Yreka with a team, was passing Oatman and Fields when the attack was made, and that he was wounded at the instant Fields fell dead. The latter's body was lying in the road, stripped, but Cunningham was only found the next day, lying dead by a tree behind which he had taken refuge. The exact spot where the catastrophe occurred--says Mr. Brittain, who still resides at Phoenix--is where the railroad tunnel enters from the Oregon side. It is the gentleman's opinion that about fifteen Indians were concerned in the attack. The date mentioned, September twenty-fifth, is taken from Mr. Robinson's diary, although Mr. Brittain is of the opinion that it took place three days later. Newspaper accounts give the twenty-fourth as the proper date. On the following day Samuel Warner was murdered on Cottonwood Creek, not far from the scene of the other tragedy, and most likely by the same Indians. At nearly the same time, two men, Charles Scott and Thomas Snow, were killed on the trail between Yreka and Scott Bar. These repeated killings (whose details are not now known) produced a very considerable degree of alarm, but no military measures of importance were taken, except by the officials at Fort Lane, who sent forty mounted troops to the various scenes of bloodshed, but these returned without having effected anything.
    Our account now approaches the beginning of the war of 1855-6, by some thought to have been the result of the incidents above recounted. It is truly difficult at this time to accord these circumstances their proper influence in the acts which followed. It is evident that the people of Rogue River Valley toward the end of the summer of 1855 must have felt an additional degree of insecurity, but that it was wholly in consequence of the murders which had previously taken place does not seem probable, inasmuch as these murders were committed outside the valley. Their legitimate results could hardly have been sufficient to stir up a general war against the Indians, so we are left to conjecture the growth of a public sentiment determined upon war. The vast majority of settlers, wearied of constant anxiety, heartily and unaffectedly believed that the removal of the Indians was desirable and necessary. Whatever may have been the exact status of the war party, and whatever the influence of the speculative branch of it, it is clear there was no outspoken opposition such as would have been created by a general sentiment in favor of peaceful methods. Almost the only outspoken advocate of Indians' rights was compelled to leave the country of his adoption from fear of personal violence. Whoever doubts the acerbity of public sentiment at that date will do well to pause here and digest that statement, comparing with it the tenor of the editorial remarks to be found in the Sentinel at that time. If that paper were a truthful exponent of public opinion, and we believe it was, there must have existed a condition of feeling analogous to that in the southern states in the months preceding the Rebellion. If such publications may be trusted to gauge public sentiment, the feeling of absolute enmity against the natives must have increased tenfold since the signing of the Lane treaty. And as there was nothing in the conduct of the Indians to fully warrant this, we shall not, probably, be far out of the way in assigning much of it to the influence of those who, for various reasons, desired war. Undoubtedly this view will fail to please those whose belief as to the cause of the war of 1855-6 is founded upon current traditions; but such should remember that those traditions date their commencement from a time when it was extremely unpopular, even dangerous, to oppose the war, and as unpopular to print or speak anything of an opposing character. It has thus far been regarded as indisputable fact that Indian outrages brought on the war, and were the sole cause of it. Keeping in view the principle with which we set out, that the war was unavoidable from the very nature of things, it seems a fair and impartial conclusion that it could have been, by the use of tact and justice, postponed at least for a time. Instances might be multiplied to show the drift of public sentiment at the time of which we speak; pages might be written and endless quotations made; but it would seem that the foregoing paragraphs set forth the state of affairs with sufficient clearness. The existence of a war party was assured; and with the unexpected stimulus of the terrible massacre of October ninth, this war party proved powerful enough to effect the deportation of the Indians--a fact not to be regretted. Previous to that date no excuses were deemed necessary for even the most violent measures; but when criticism subsequently awoke, editorials were written, affidavits prepared, and another war (of words) was fought to prove the first one necessary. For as matters then existed outside sympathy had to be created--the consciences of some people had to be calmed--some men had to be made heroes of--appropriations had to be got--and Congress had to be won over.
    It is undoubtedly true that those writers and speakers who have attempted to apologize for or extenuate certain acts having a bearing on the question have most blunderingly performed their task. To effect this end required a high degree of tact and skill, both of which it would appear were wanting at that date. For example: Although we have evidence to show that the Lupton incident was the work partly of harebrained enthusiasts and professed ruffians who in no sense represented the community, still their act was adopted and defended by those who took it upon themselves to advocate then what they styled the cause of the people of Southern Oregon. The act should have been promptly repudiated as of too brutal a nature to represent the wishes of an enlightened and humane public. In other respects these apologists far overstepped the bounds of tact and prudence. Officials of the United States government were antagonized, thereby endangering governmental support. Column after column of the Sentinel, the only paper then published south of Salem, was filled with abuse of General Wool, Joel Palmer and other officials, and violent recriminations concerning the conduct of the war generally. The result of this was that the government become suspicious and sent an agent to investigate, as has been before remarked.
    It has always been regarded as a remarkable circumstance that the Indians on and near the reservation should have been (with the exception of Sam's band) fully prepared for an outbreak exactly at the time when the "exterminators" made their attack at the mouth of Little Butte Creek, thereby furnishing an all-sufficient reason for such outbreak. A still more suggestive fact is the simultaneous beginning of war in Oregon and Washington territory--a fact so striking as to suggest the collusion of those widely separated tribes. How this concert of action was brought about, several have attempted to explain, but never in a satisfactory manner. Leaving this subject we will proceed to consider the Lupton affair.
    On the seventh of October, 1855, a party of men, principally miners and men-about-town, in Jacksonville, organized and armed themselves to the number of about forty (accounts disagree as to number), and under the nominal leadership of Captain Hays and Major James A. Lupton, representative-elect to the territorial legislature, proceeded to attack a small band of Indians encamped on the north side of Rogue River near the mouth of Little Butte Creek a few miles above Table Rock. Lupton, it appears, was a man of no experience in bush fighting, but was rash and headstrong. His military title, says Colonel Ross, was unearned in war and was probably gratuitous. It is the prevailing opinion that he was led into the affair through a wish to court popularity, which is almost the only incentive that could have occurred to him. [A greater motivation would be the proximity of Lupton's bachelor cabin to an Indian village--the one that suffered the brunt of the massacre.] Certainly it could not have been plunder; and the mere love of fighting which probably drew the greater part of the force together was perhaps absent in his case. The reason why the particular band at Butte Creek was selected as victims also appears a mystery, although the circumstances of their location being accessible, their numbers small, and their reputation as fighters very slight, possibly were the ruling considerations. This band of Indians appears to have behaved themselves tolerably; they were pretty fair Indians, but beggars, and on occasion thieves. They had been concerned in no considerable outrages that are distinctly specified. The attacking party arrived at the river on the evening of the seventh, and selecting a hiding place, remained therein until daylight, the appointed time for the attack. The essential particulars of the fight which followed are, when separated from a tangle of contradictory minutiae, that Lupton and his party fired a volley into the crowded encampment, following up the sudden and totally unexpected attack by a close encounter with knives, revolvers, and whatever weapon they were possessed of, and the Indians were driven away or killed without making much resistance. These facts are matters of evidence, as are also the killing of several squaws, one or more old decrepit men, and a number, probably small, of children. The unessential particulars vary greatly. For instance, Captain Smith reported to government that eighty Indians were slaughtered. Other observers, perhaps less prejudiced, placed the number at thirty. Certain accounts, notably that contributed to the Statesman by A. J. Kane, denied that there were any "bucks " present at the fight, the whole number of Indians being women, old men, and children. It is worth while to note that Mr. A. J. Kane promptly retracted this supposed injurious statement, and in a card to the Sentinel said he believed there were some bucks present. Certain "Indian fighters" also appended their names to the card.
    The exact condition of things at the fight, or massacre, as some have characterized it,is difficult to determine. Accounts vary so widely that by some it has been termed a heroic attack, worthy of Leonidas or Alexander; others have called it an indiscriminate butchery of defenseless and peaceful natives, the earliest possessors of the soil. To temporize with such occurrences does not become those who seek the truth only, and the world would be better could such deeds meet at once the proper penalty and be known by their proper name. Whether or not Indian men were present does not concern the degree of criminality attached to it. The attack was indiscriminately against all. The Indians were at peace with the whites and therefore unprepared. To fitly characterize the whole proceeding is to say that it was Indian-like.
    The results of the matter were the death of Lupton, who was mortally wounded by an arrow which penetrated his lungs, the wounding of a young man, Shepherd by name, the killing of at least a score of Indians, mainly old men, and the revengeful outbreak on the part of the Indians, whose account forms the most important part of this history.

    Immediately succeeding the event last detailed, came a series of startling and lamentable occurrences, which produced an impression on the community which the lapse of over a quarter of a century has by no means effaced. The ninth of October, 1855, has justly been called the most eventful day in the history of Southern Oregon. On that day nearly twenty persons lost their lives, victims to Indian ferocity and cruelty. Their murder lends a somber interest to the otherwise dry details of Indian skirmishes, and furnishes many a romantic though saddening page to the annalist who would write the minute history of those times. A portion of the incidents of that awful day have been written for publications of wide circulation, and thus have become a part of the country's stock-in-trade of Indian tales. Certain of them have taken their place in the history of our country along with the most stirring and romantic episodes of border warfare. Many and varied are this country's legends of hairbreadth escapes and heroic defense against overpowering odds. There is nothing told in any language to surpass in daring and devotion the memorable defense of the Harris home. Mrs. Wagner's mysterious fate still bears a melancholy interest, and while time endures the people of this region cannot forget the mournfully tragic end of all who died on that fateful day.
    As the present memories describe it, the attack was by most people wholly unexpected, in spite of the previous months of anxiety. The recklessness of the whites who precipitated the outbreak by their conduct at the Indian village above Table Rock had left unwarned the outlying settlers, upon whose defenseless and innocent heads fell the storm of barbaric vengeance. Early on the morning of October ninth, the bands of several of the more warlike chiefs gathered at or near Table Rock, set out traveling westward, down the river, and transporting their families, their arms and other property, and bent on war. It is not at this moment possible to ascertain the names of those chiefs, nor the number of their braves; but it has been thought that Limpy, the chief of the Illinois band, with George, chief of the lower Rogue river band, were the most prominent and influential Indians concerned in the matter. [During the war Indian agent Ambrose sent emissaries to the Indians' camp and learned that all the attacks along the Rogue River were committed by Chief John and eight confederates. See his letter of February 18, 1856.] Their numbers, if we follow the most reliable accounts, would indicate that from thirty-five to fifty Indians performed the murders of which we have now to discourse. Their first act was to murder William Goin or Going, a teamster, native of Missouri, and employed on the reservation, where he inhabited a small hut or house. Standing by the fireplace in conversation with Clinton Schieffelin, he was fatally shot, at two o'clock in the morning. The particular individuals who accomplished this killing were, says Mr. Schieffelin, members of John's band of Applegates, who were encamped on Ward Creek, a mile above its mouth, and twelve miles distant from the camp of Sam's band.
    Hurrying through the darkness to Jewett's ferry these hostiles, now reinforced by the band of Limpy and George, found there a pack train loaded with mill irons. Hamilton, the man in charge of it, was killed, and another individual was severely wounded, being hit in four places. They next began firing at Jewett's house, within which were several persons in bed, it not being yet daylight. Meeting with resistance they gave up the attack and moved to Evans' ferry, which they reached at daybreak. Here they shot Isaac Shelton, of Willamette Valley, en route for Yreka. He lived twenty hours. The next victim was Jones, proprietor of a ranch, whom they shot dead near his house. His body was nearly devoured by hogs before it was found. The house was set on fire, and Mrs. Jones was pursued by an Indian and shot with a revolver, when she fell senseless, and the savage retired, supposing her dead. She revived and was taken to Tufts' place and lived a day. O. P. Robbins, Jones' partner, was hunting cattle at some distance from the house. Getting upon a stump, he looked about him and saw the house on fire. Correctly judging that Indians were abroad, he proceeded to Tufts and Evans' places and secured the help of three men, but the former place the Indians had already visited and shot Mrs. Tufts through the body, but being taken to Illinois Valley she recovered. Six miles north of Evans ferry the Indians fell in with and killed two men who were transporting supplies from the Willamette Valley to the mines. They took the two horses from the wagon, and went on. The house of J. B. Wagoner was burned, Mrs. Wagoner being previously murdered, or, as an unsubstantiated story goes, she was compelled to remain in it until dead. This is refinement of horrors indeed. For a time her fate was unknown, but it was finally settled thus. Mary, her little daughter, was taken to the Meadows, on lower Rogue River, some weeks after, according to the Indians' own accounts, but died there. Mr. Wagner, being from homem escaped death. Coming to Haines' house, Mr. Haines being ill in bed, they shot him to death, killed two children and took his wife prisoner. Her fate was a sad one, and is yet wrapped in mystery. It seems likely, from the stories told by the Indians, that the unhappy woman died about a week afterwards, from the effects of a fever aggravated by improper food. When the subsequent war raged, a thousand inquiries were made concerning the captive, and not a stone was left unturned to solve the mystery. The evidence that exists bearing upon the subject is unsatisfactory indeed, but may be deemed sufficiently conclusive.
    At about nine o'clock a.m., the savages approached the house of Mr. Harris, about ten miles north of Evans, where dwelt a family of four--Mr. and Mrs. Harris and their two children, Mary aged twelve, and David aged ten years. With them resided T. A. Reed, an unmarried man employed by or with Mr. Harris in farm work. Reed was some distance from the house, and was set upon by a party of the band of hostiles and killed, no assistance being near. His skeleton was found a year after. David, the little son of the fated family, had gone to a field at a little distance, and in all likelihood was taken into the woods by his captors and slain, as he was never after heard of. Some have thought that he was taken away and adopted into the tribe--a theory that seems hardly probable, as his presence would have become known when the entire band of hostiles surrendered several months afterward. It seems more probable that the unfortunate youth was taken prisoner, and proving an inconvenience to his brutal captors, was by them unceremoniously murdered and his corpse thrown aside, where it remained undiscovered. Mr. Harris was surprised by the Indians, and retreating to the house, was shot in the breast as he reached the door. His wife, with the greatest courage and presence of mind, closed and barred the door, and in obedience to her wounded husband's advice, brought down the firearms which the house contained--a rifle, a double shotgun, a revolver and a single-barreled pistol--and began to fire at the Indians, hardly with the expectation of hitting them, but to deter them from assaulting or setting fire to the house. Previous to this a shot fired by the Indians had wounded her little daughter in the arm, making a painful but not dangerous flesh wound, and the terrified child climbed to the attic of the dwelling, where she remained for several hours. Throughout all this time the heroic woman kept the savages at bay, and attended as well as she was able to the wants of her fearfully wounded husband, who expired in about an hour after he was shot. Fortunately, she had been taught the use of firearms; and to this she owed her preservation and that of her daughter. The Indians, who could be seen moving about in the vicinity of the house, were at pains to keep within cover and dared not approach near enough to set fire to the dwelling, although they burned the outbuildings, first taking the horses from the stable. Mrs. Harris steadily loaded her weapons, and fired them through the crevices between the logs of which the house was built. In the afternoon, though at what time it was impossible for her to tell, the Indians drew off and left the stouthearted woman mistress of the field. She had saved her own and her daughter's life, and added a deathless page to the record of the country's history.
    After the departure of the savages, the heroine with her daughter left the house and sought refuge in a thicket of willows near the road, and remained there all night. Next morning several Indians passed, but did not discover them, and during the day a company of volunteers, hastily collected in Jacksonville, approached, to whom the two presented themselves, the sad survivors of a once-happy home.
    When, on the ninth of October, a rider came dashing into Jacksonville and quickly told of the fray, great excitement prevailed, and men volunteered to go to the aid of whoever might need help. Almost immediately a score of men were in their saddles and pushing toward the river. Major Fitzgerald, stationed at Fort Lane, went or was sent by Captain Smith, at the head of fifty-five mounted men, and these going with the volunteers, proceeded along the track of ruin and desolation left by the savages. At Wagoner's house, some five or six volunteers who were in advance came upon a few Indians hiding in the brush nearby, who, unsuspicious of the main body advancing along the road, challenged the whites to a fight. Major Fitzgerald came up and ordered a charge; and six of the "red devils" were killed, and the rest driven "on the jump" to the hills, but could not be overtaken. Giving up the pursuit, the regulars and volunteers marched along the road to the Harris house, where, as we have seen, they found the devoted mother and her child, and removed them to a place of safety in Jacksonville. They proceeded to and camped at Grave Creek that night, and returned the next day.
    A company of volunteers led by Captain Rinearson hastily came from Cow Creek, and scoured the country about Grave Creek and vicinity, finding quite a number of bodies of murdered men. On the twenty-fifth of October the body of J. B. Powell, of Lafayette, Yamhill County, was found and buried. James White and ------ Fox had been previously found dead. All the houses along the Indians' route had been robbed and then burned, with two or three exceptions.
    It would be difficult to picture the state of alarm which prevailed when the full details of the massacre were made known. Self-preservation, the first law of nature, was exemplified in the actions of all. The people of Rogue River Valley, probably without exception, withdrew from their ordinary occupations and "forted up" or retired to the larger settlements. Jacksonville was the objective point of most of these fugitives, who came in on foot, on horse or mule back, or with their families or more portable property loaded on wagons drawn by oxen. In every direction mines were abandoned, farms and fields were left unwatched, the herdsman forsook his charge, and all sought refuge from the common enemy. The industries which had suffered a severe but only temporary check in the summer of 1853 were again brought to a standstill, and the trade and commerce which were rapidly building up Jackson and her neighboring counties became instantly paralyzed. All business and pleasure were forsaken, to devise means to meet and vanquish the hostile bands. Nor was this state of affairs confined to the Rogue River country. Other and far distant regions caught the infection, and for a time the depressing expectation of Indian forays racked many a breast. The people of far removed districts devised means of defense from imaginary foes. The Methodists of the Tualatin plains, in peaceful Washington County, built a stockade about their little church, within which, unterrified by imminent danger, they might worship God as did the Pilgrim Fathers while their red-skinned adversaries howled and beat upon their impregnable fortress. An imaginary host of Indians threatened the Willamette Valley from north, from south and from east. Three hundred Klamath warriors had arrived, it was rumored, at the head of the Santiam, and were preparing to rush upon the defenseless settlements below. Indian alarmists at Salem and Portland projected measures of defense, and boiled over in indignation when their advice was rejected. A safety meeting was held at Corvallis because three hundred Cow Creek Indians were said to have come north of the Calapooia Mountains, and threatened the lives of all. The Oregon papers of that date were full of matter calculated to show the extreme state of apprehension which like a wave swept over this fair land. It will be believed that there was ample reason for such a feeling in those who lived south of the Calapooias. The settlers on the Umpqua and its tributaries were obviously endangered, nor did they escape the inconveniences, and in some cases, the actual presence of war. They, like their less fortunate friends on the Rogue River, "forted up," that is, retired to places of safety, and there remained until the Indian scare had settled down to steady warfare. At Scottsburg, more than a hundred miles from the seat of war, the inhabitants thus took refuge. The commonest form of protective structure was a house of logs with loopholes between, through which a fire of small arms might be kept up. At other places more elaborate defenses were substituted, the old-fashioned blockhouse, with its loopholes and projecting upper story being a not uncommon sight. Earthworks, consisting of rifle pits including a house, were a favorite form. Any structure so situated as to command quite an area, and so built as to resist rifle bullets and afford immunity against fire, served for the temporary habitation of those who were driven from their own homes.
    It should be remarked that the situation in Southern Oregon was even more serious than was thought possible by those who viewed these affairs from abroad, or through the distorting medium of the newspapers. The people were beset on all sides by savages, they knew not how numerous, and who might strike, they knew not where. The extent of the Indian uprising was not at first understood. The few Indians who had done so much mischief in the Siskiyou Mountains were now imitated on a much grander scale by many times their number of bolder and more skillful fighters, who were well supplied with ammunition, and having in profusion, guns, rifles, revolvers and knives, as great in assortment and better in quality than the whites themselves were provided with. Besides, of the several thousand Indians who inhabited Southern Oregon, no one could tell which band might dig up the hatchet and go on the war path in imitation of those who were already so actively butchering and burning. The Table Rock band, steadfastly friendly, withstood the temptation to avenge their undoubted grievances, and remained upon the reservation, thereby diminishing the enemy's force very considerably. The Coast Indians, formidable and dangerous barbarians, as yet had not been influenced to join the malcontents, but we shall see how at a later date they became hostile and equaled their allies in savagery and bloodthirstiness.
    To oppose such an array of active murderers and incendiaries, the general government had a small number of troops unfitted to perform the duties of Indian fighting by reason of their unsuitable mode of dress, tactics and their dependence upon quartermaster and commissary trains. The fact has been notorious throughout all the years of American independence that the regular army, however brave or well officered, has not been uniformly successful in fighting the Indians. The reasons for this every frontiersman knows. They are as set forth above. But upon such troops the government in 1855 relied to keep peace between the hostile white and Indian population in Southern Oregon, and although with final success, we shall see that the operation of subduing the Indians was needlessly long and tedious. We shall also see how an ill-organized, unpaid, ill-fed, ill-clothed and insubordinate volunteer organization, brought together in as many hours as it required weeks to marshal a regular force, dispersed the savages repeatedly, fought them wherever they could be found, and in the most cheerless days of winter resolutely followed their inveterate foe, and were "in at the death" of the allied tribes.
    The formation of volunteer companies and the enrollment of men began immediately upon the receipt of the news of the outbreak. The chief settlements--Jacksonville, Applegate Creek, Sterling, Illinois Valley, Deer Creek, Butte Creek, Galice Creek, Grave Creek, Vannoy's ferry, and Cow Creek--became centers of enlistment, and to them resorted the farmers, miners, and traders of the vicinity, who with the greatest unanimity enrolled themselves as volunteers to carry on the war which all now saw to be unavoidable. On the twelfth of October, John E. Ross, Colonel of the Ninth Regiment of Oregon militia, assumed command of the forces already raised, by virtue of his commission, and in compliance with a resolution of the people of Jacksonville and vicinity. Recognizing the need of mounted troops for the duty of protecting the settlements, he made proclamation calling into service men provided with horses and arms, and in two days had increased his command to nine companies, aggregating five hundred men. Several of these companies had been on duty from the day succeeding the massacre, so promptly did their members respond to the call of duty. The regiment was increased by the first of November to fifteen companies, containing an average of fifty men each, or seven hundred and fifty in all. The initiatory steps of the organization of the volunteer forces were necessarily precipitous, and in some cases correspondingly irregular. This organization was based upon the militia law of the territory, as it then existed, declaring the territory a military district for brigade purposes, of which by authority of the act of Congress organizing the territory, the governor was commander-in-chief. This law further provided for the appointment by the governor of a brigadier general, and for the election in subordinate districts of colonels and other regimental officers. It also embraced the usual departments of the general staff, and provided for the commission of their chief and subordinate officers.
    It is justly thought remarkable that such a force could have been raised in a country of such a limited population as Southern Oregon; and this fact is rendered still more remarkable by the extreme promptness with which this respectable little army was gathered. If we examine the muster rolls of the different companies, we shall be struck by the youth of the volunteers--the average age being not beyond twenty-four years. From all directions they came, these young, prompt and brave men, from every gulch, hillside and plain, from every mining claim, trading post and farm of this extensive region, and from the sympathizing towns and mining camps of Northern California, which also sent their contingents. Thus an army was gathered, able in all respects to perform their undertaking of restoring peace, and suddenly too. These troops, as already said, were mounted. Their animals were gathered from pack trains, farms and towns, and were in many cases unused to the saddle. But the exigencies of war did not allow the rider to hesitate between a horse and a mule, or to humor the whims of the stubborn mustang or intractable cayuse. With the greatest celerity and promptness the single organizations had hurried to the rescue of the outlying settlements and in many cases preserved the lives of settlers menaced by Indians. Captain Rinearson, at Cow Creek, enrolled thirty-five men on the day following the massacre, and by nightfall had stationed his men so as to effectually guard many miles of the road, leaving men at the Canyon, at Levens' Station, at Turner's, and the remainder at Harkness and Twogood's Grave Creek House; and receiving reinforcements, sent thirty men down Grave Creek and to Galice Creek. By such exertions the enemy were overawed, and the white inhabitants, seeing an armed force in their midst, began to regain calmness and confidence.
    While the work of organizing the forces was going on, the Indian marauders had retired to the neighborhood of Grave Creek, Cow Creek and Galice Creek, on each of which, and particularly the two latter, were important settlements. The country threatened and partially occupied by the hostiles was the northern part of Josephine County--a land of canyons, narrow valleys, steep mountainsides and thick woods. Into this almost inaccessible retreat they had thrown themselves, and from there they issued forth at will to burn, plunder and murder. On the morning of the seventeenth of October the united bands of Limpy, George, John and Tenas Tyee [literally, "small chief"] made an attack on the headquarters of the volunteers on Galice Creek, and the fight ensued which has been celebrated since as the "Siege of Galice Creek." Captain William B. Lewis, in command of a company of about thirty-five men, was stationed at the creek, where his men were doing picket and garrison duty. On the day mentioned, two men came to headquarters and reported finding Indian signs nearby. Directly after Sergeant Adams, who had proceeded out to reconnoiter, was fired at by the hostiles, who appeared in strong force on the hill overlooking the houses used as headquarters. Several volunteers who were standing near were also fired upon, and Private J. W. Pickett was mortally wounded by a shot through the body, and died during the day. The headquarters consisted of two board houses, situated some twenty yards apart, and about an equal distance from the stream. Some four or five men took a position in a ditch which had been cut for defensive purposes; others took shelter within a log corral adjoining one of the houses, while within the latter the remainder were installed. The enemy were hidden behind natural obstructions in all directions from the defenses, which they surrounded. Very soon the men were driven from the ditch, and took refuge in the houses. While retreating toward the house, Private Israel D. Adams was shot and fell, mortally injured, near the house, being assisted into it by Private Allen Evans, who, while thus engaged, received a severe wound in the jaw. The Indians immediately occupied the ditch to the number of twenty or more, and kept up a fire on the houses, within which the volunteers were erecting defenses by digging up floors, piling up blankets, etc. The Indians loudly announced their intention of firing the houses, scalping the men, and capturing the provisions and ammunition, and this cheerful talk was translated by the squaw of Umpqua Joe, a friendly Indian who was taking part with the whites, and who, with the squaw, was in the house. Umpqua Joe himself had the misfortune to be wounded; and during the fight a bullet penetrated the thin walls of the house and struck Private Samuel Sanders in the head, killing him instantly. Considerable conversation of an unfriendly nature passed between the different sides, and a steady fire was kept up by both. Several attempts were made by the enemy to set fire to the houses, and Chief George particularly distinguished himself by attempting to throw burning faggots upon the roofs. This man, as well as John, Limpy and others, were recognized by the besieged party. The engagement lasted nearly all day, the Indians at nightfall retiring from the scene. When they had disappeared, the volunteers went to work to strengthen their defenses by extending their ditch, at which they occupied themselves nearly all night. In the morning some Indians appeared, and seeing from the preparations that the whites were well ready to receive them, fired their guns, retreated, and were not again seen on Galice Creek. The different accounts of this fight describe it as having been a closely contested affair, and of really important consequences. Three men had been killed or mortally wounded. Besides these, Benjamin Tufts, severely wounded, died on the twenty-eighth of November following. Captain Lewis, First Lieutenant W. A. Moore, and Privates Allen Evans, John Erixson, Louis Dunois, Milton Blacklidge and Umpqua Joe were wounded. How great the Indian loss was could not be determined, as they carried away their injured, according to custom. The common opinion was that it was about equal to that of the whites. Thus the fight was comparatively desperate and bloody.
    A few days subsequent to the fight at Galice Creek, and while the whereabouts of the Indians was unknown, an opportune circumstance revealed their place of abode. Lieutenant (since General) A. V. Kautz, of the regular army, set out from Port Orford with a guard of ten soldiers to explore the country lying between that place and Fort Lane, thinking to find a route for a practicable trail or wagon road by which the inland station could be supplied from Port Orford instead of the longer and very difficult Crescent City route. The country proved even more rough, steep and precipitous than it had been reported to be; and the Lieutenant was many days upon his journey. Leaving the river near the mouth of Grave Creek, he ascended the neighboring hills and, much to his surprise, came upon a very large band of Indians. As they proved hostile, there was no resource but to run for it, and losing one man by the savages' fire, the officer made his escape to Fort Lane, fortunate in getting away so easily.
    Having now, by this unlucky experience of Lieutenant Kautz, been made aware of the Indians' exact whereabouts, Colonel Ross and Captain Smith, combining forces as well as the mutual jealousies of regulars and volunteers would permit, began to plan an active campaign. All the disposable troops at Fort Lane consisted of eighty-five men and four officers: Captain A. J. Smith, first dragoons; First Lieutenant H. G. Gibson, third artillery; Second Lieutenant A. V. Kautz, fourth infantry; and Second Lieutenant B. Alston, first dragoons. These set out on the twenty-seventh of October, and on arriving at the Grave Creek House were joined by Colonel Ross' command of about two hundred and ninety men, besides a portion of Major Martin's force from Deer Creek. From this point the combined forces moved on October thirtieth to the Indian camp, arriving at daybreak at a point where Captains Harris and Bruce were deployed to the left, while Captain Smith, with the regulars, took the ridge to the right, with the expectation of arriving in the rear of the Indians' position, whereby they might be surrounded and captured. Captains Williams and Rinearson followed in Captain Smith's tracks. The country not being perfectly known by the whites, several mistakes followed in consequence, and Harris and Bruce came directly upon the Indian encampment, and were in full view of the savages before any strategic movement could be made, and no opportunity for surprising the enemy offered itself. The time was sunrise, and Captain Smith had gained his rear position and had built fires for his men's refreshment, at the place where Lieutenant Kautz had been attacked. By these fires the Indians were warned of the party in their rear, and prepared themselves accordingly. The regulars descended into a deep gorge, climbed up the other side and directly were engaged with the Indians, who advanced to meet them. The savages "paraded in true military style," but directly fell back to a ledge of rocks or to the brushy crest of a hill. From the crest of the hill for a mile or more in the rear of the Indians was a dense thicket; on the right and left were precipitous descents into a gorge filled with pines and undergrowth, in which the natives concealed themselves almost perfectly from the view of the whites, who possessed no resources sufficient to dislodge them. The ridge being bare on top, the men were necessarily exposed to the enemy's fire, and some casualties resulted. Movements were made to get in the Indians' rear in this new position, but such attempts were futile. Several charges were made by the regulars but ineffectually, although the men were for considerable periods within ten or twenty yards of the hostiles. The latter fought bravely and steadily, picking off the whites by a regular fire from their rifles, which were pitted against the inferior weapons of the troops, or at least of the regulars, two-thirds of whom had only the "musketoon," a short, smooth-bore weapon, discharging inaccurately a heavy round bullet, whose range was necessarily slight. About sunset the commanders concluded to retire from the field, and did so, first posting sentries to observe the savages' movements. The united commands encamped for the night at Bloody Spring, as it was named, some distance down the hill.
    On the following morning Lieutenant Gibson, of the regulars, with ten men, proceeded up the hill to the battlefield to secure the dead body of a private of his detachment, and when returning with it was pursued by the savages, who came down and attacked the camp in force, firing numerous shots. No damage was done by this attack except the wounding of Lieutenant Gibson, and after a time the savages were driven off. No further attempt against the Indians was made, and after advising with their officers the two commanders decided to remove their troops from the vicinity. Accordingly, orders were given and the retrograde march began.
    The total loss was thirty-one, of whom nine were killed, and twenty-two wounded. Several of the latter died of their injuries. The volunteers killed were Privates Jacob W. Miller, James Pearcy and Henry Pearl, of Rinearson's company; John Winters, of Williams'; and Jonathan A. Pedigo, of Harris'. The wounded were Privates William H. Crouch, Enoch Miller and Ephraim Tager, of Rinearson's; Thomas Ryan and William Stamms, of Williams'; L. F. Allen, John Goldsby, Thomas Gill, C. B. Hinton, William M. Hand, William I. Mayfield, William Purnell and William White, of Harris'; C. C. Goodwin, of Bruce's; and John Kennedy, of Welton's. The latter died on the seventh of November, and C. B. Hinton. in endeavoring to make his way alone to the Grave Creek House, lost his road and perished from exposure. This fight, occurring on the thirty-first of October and the first of November, is known by the several names of the Battle of Bloody Springs, Battle of Hungry Hill, and Battle in the Grave Creek Hills.
    From these details, and considering that the Indians maintained their position on the battlefield without great loss, it is evident that the campaign was an unsuccessful one. It is generally admitted by the whites who took part in the engagement that the affair resulted in a partial defeat, and they ascribe therefor several reasons, either of which seems sufficient. The inclemency of the weather is set forth as a reason, and is doubtless an important one. It is known from good authority that one man perished from cold and wet, and that the bodies of those slain in the fight were frozen stiff in a few hours. This would indicate very severe cold, but from independent sources we gather that the weather throughout the winter was exceptionally severe. Troops, ill provided with blankets and clothing, stationed at the very considerable altitude of the Grave Creek Hills, were under the worst possible circumstances for continuing the attack. Besides, a still more serious reason presented itself. There was not a sufficient supply of food to maintain a single company of men. The commissariat was in chaotic condition, and supplies were either not sent out, or failed to reach the nearly starving troops in time to be of use. This is a notorious fact in Southern Oregon, but, singularly enough, fails to appear in the earliest published accounts of the affair. The commissary and quartermaster departments were at fault, nor do they appear to have been efficiently administered at any time during the war, although their expenses (duly charged to the United States) were preposterously great. Figures are at hand to show that the expense of the latter department exceeded, for a time, eight hundred dollars per day! And this for transportation alone. A large number of Mexicans were borne on the rolls as packers, whose daily pay was six dollars, and who had the care and management of about one hundred and fifty pack animals, which were used in carrying supplies from Jacksonville or Crescent City to the seat of war. They belonged to the volunteer service, and were entirely distinct from the trains by which the regulars at Fort Lane were supplied. It was to the mismanagement of the persons in charge of the trains that the failure of the campaign was attributed, and apparently with considerable justice. The charge of insubordination made against the volunteers in consequence of their conduct at Bloody Spring will be recalled when treating of the later events of the war.
    As was customary with the regular army officials at that date, a great deal of blame was cast upon the volunteers for their alleged failure to properly second the efforts of the government troops. This charge is retorted upon Captain Smith's soldiers by countercharges of similar tenor; and as neither side in the controversy is supported by any but interested evidence, we cannot at this date satisfactorily discuss the question. The matter, however, is connected with the invariable tendency to antagonism of the two related, yet opposed, branches of service, which antagonism shows itself on every similar occasion, and is an annoying subject indeed. We see the spectacle of two different organizations, bent upon the same object and pursuing an identical road to the attainment of their object, but falling into bitterness by the wayside and continually reviling each other, and failing to lend their moral support and frequently their physical aid.
    The governor of Oregon, George L. Curry, entered considerably into the business of making proclamations during the events of the Rogue River war, and his first effort in that line, bearing upon the prosecution of hostilities in this region, was as follows:
    Whereas, By petition numerously signed by citizens of Umpqua Valley, calling upon me for protection, it has come to my knowledge that the Shasta and Rogue River Indians, in Southern Oregon, in violation of their solemn engagements, are now in arms against the peace of this territory; that they have, without respect to age or sex, murdered a large number of our people, burned their dwellings, and destroyed their property; and that they are now menacing the southern settlements with all the atrocities of savage warfare, I issue this my proclamation, calling for five companies of mounted volunteers, to constitute a northern battalion, and four companies of mounted volunteers to constitute a southern battalion, to remain in force until duly discharged. The several companies to consist of one captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals, and sixty privates, each volunteer to furnish his own horse, arms and equipments, each company to select its own officers, and thereafter to proceed with the utmost possible dispatch to the rendezvous hereafter appointed. It is expected that Jackson County will furnish the number of men wanted for the southern battalion, which will rendezvous at Jacksonville, elect a major to command, and report in writing to headquarters. It will then proceed to take effective measures to recover indemnity for the past, and conquer a lasting peace with the enemy for the future. The following-named counties are expected to make up the number of men wanted for the northern battalion: Lane County, two companies; Linn County, one company; Douglas County, one company; Umpqua County, one company; which will rendezvous at Roseburg, Douglas County, elect a major to command, and report in writing to headquarters. It will then proceed immediately to open and maintain communication with the settlements in the Rogue River Valley, and thereafter cooperate with the southern battalion in a vigorous prosecution of the campaign.
    Given under my hand at Portland, the fifteenth of October, A.D. 1855.
    John K. Lamerick received the appointment of acting adjutant general for the volunteers on Rogue River, and was entrusted with the duty of mustering in and organizing the forces. He arrived at the seat of war several days after the fight at Hungry Hill, and immediately proceeded with his duties. Some twelve or thirteen companies, of from twenty to eighty men each, presented themselves and requested to be mustered in. Lamerick demurred to this, however, as under his instructions the services of only four companies could be accepted. He agreed, in short, to muster the remaining companies into a separate battalion, who could then elect their own major. This proposition was not acceptable to many, who wished all to be in the same battalion. On the tenth of November, the volunteers being encamped at Vannoy's ferry, the companies of Bruce, Williams, Wilkinson and Alcorn were mustered in, and organized into a battalion known as the southern battalion, of which Captain James Bruce was elected major over Captain R. L. Williams, his only competitor. The remaining troops were disbanded by order of Colonel Ross.
    At the rendezvous for the northern battalion enlistments began early, and about the twentieth of October William J. Martin was elected Major. Quartermaster General McCarver occupied an office in the court house at Roseburg, engaged in fitting out the troops. The strength of the companies, set originally at sixty-three rank and file, was increased by Major Martin to one hundred and ten. The Douglas County company called for by the governor was easily recruited and held its election October 27, when Samuel Gordon was elected captain. The Linn County company was commanded by Captain Jonathan Keeney; the two from Lane County by Captains Buoy and Bailey; respectively. On the last of November, Major Martin moved his headquarters from Roseburg to a point forty-eight miles south of Roseburg, and seven miles north of Grave Creek, calling his new location Camp Leland. Here for a few days the companies of Buoy and Keeney lay, while Bailey moved to Camas Valley, and Gordon, dividing his company, posted a part in Cow Creek Valley and the Canyon, and the remainder on the North Umpqua, where a few stray Indians had made hostile manifestations. Some fifty men of the Umpqua company were sent to Scottsburg, near the mouth of the river, where, as before remarked, some anxiety was felt regarding an attack by the savages. Major Martin's written instructions to Captain Bailey at Camas Prairie, given under date of November 10, conclude thus: "In chastising the enemy you will use your own discretion provided you take no prisoners." Captains Buoy and Keeney received similar instructions, the original order being now on file in the state house at Salem.
    The southern battalion had posted at the same time detachments at Evans ferry and at Bowden's, and troops were sent to assist Messrs. Harkness & Twogood, who were holding their tavern on Grave Creek, and declared their purpose to retain it at all hazards. They had erected a complete stockade of timbers and prepared for a siege, as after the fight at Hungry Hill it was supposed that Indian attacks would become frequent. The disposition of the military along the line of communication between the Rogue River and Umpqua valleys, however, effectually prevented the enemy from reaching the more important settlements, and the savages, finding all avenues to the eastward closed, broke camp at Bloody Spring and went down the Rogue River, taking refuge in the almost inaccessible country bordering that stream. The mountains thereabouts presented almost insuperable obstacles to the transportation of troops and supplies by reason of their steepness, the number of deep gorges which intersect them, and the dense forests by which their sides are clothed. Underbrush of the densest kind abounds; no roads nor even trails existed then, and scarcely do now exist; ambushes might have been easily formed; and in a word, the Indians' hiding place was perfectly adapted to their security. Having so favorable a country to operate in, and being themselves unequaled as "mountain soldiers" and bush fighters, through long experience in the woods and in actual war, they were well situated to resist attacks, as we shall see.
    The two battalions composing the "army," as newly organized, were expected to cooperate, although their commanding officers were mutually independent. After the mustering in at Camp Vannoy, the two majors, having discovered through their scouts where the Indians had gone, determined on a plan of united action, in which they were promised the support of all the disposable regulars at Fort Lane. The United States forces in November were seriously curtailed by the withdrawal of Major Fitzgerald with his company of dragoons, ninety in number, who, under orders from Gen. John E. Wool, commanding the Pacific department, proceeded to Vancouver. Captain Judah still remained at the fort, and this officer, who acted under Captain Smith's orders, joined the expedition down the Rogue River--an expedition which we will designate as the First Meadows Campaign.

    On November twentieth Majors Martin and Bruce and Captain Judah left Evans Creek, taking all the regular and volunteer troops which could be spared, and a sufficient supply of provisions for a short campaign. A day or two days later, dates differing, they encamped at the mouth of Whiskey Creek, and found traces of Indians. Proceeding down the river the next morning, keeping along the high lands back a mile or two from the stream, they found the Indians in strong force in the woods bordering the river. The country, as before mentioned, is exceedingly rough, covered with tangled underbrush, broken up into deep canyons, precipitous descents, and impenetrable gorges. It was deemed proper to cross to the south side of the river, and for this purpose Major Bruce proceeded with his battalion down to the river, being then near the mouth of Jackass Creek, and attempted to cross. The battalion were scattered upon the bar which borders the river on the north bank, and some engaged themselves in endeavoring to construct rafts to ferry the command across, while others prospected for gold in the gravelly bar. Indians within the dense cover of the trees along the south bank began firing, and the whites hurriedly left the bar and sought shelter in the brush. Captain Alcorn shouted "Form a line here; where the ---- are you running?" But his Lieutenant replied, "Form ---- and ----! Break for the brush, every one of you, or you'll get shot!" And the privates thought the latter advice best, and hid themselves with desperate haste. This closed the campaign as far as the battalion of Major Bruce was concerned, for thus defeated in their attempt to cross the river they retired to communicate with Martin and Judah. The latter officer signalized himself on many occasions throughout his residence on the Pacific Coast by his devotion to artillery practice. A heavy twelve-pound howitzer was the inseparable companion of all his expeditions to fight the Indians. On this occasion he had brought this piece with infinite difficulty and labor to the Meadows; and at the time of Bruce's discomfiture he with Martin lay upon the hill above him and several miles away, firing from that lofty position his clumsy piece of ordnance at the enemy, with the effect only to set the wild echoes flying through the hitherto silent solitude. After a deal of unprofitable practice the trio of commanders resolved upon a retrograde march ; and loading Captain Judah's toy upon a stalwart mule, the army slowly retired to Vannoy's and Camp Leland. One volunteer, William Lewis, of Kenny's company, was killed, and five were wounded. At least one Indian bit the dust, for George Cherry killed a brave and carried the scalp tied to his war horse's bridle.
    The various detachments arrived at the Grave Creek camp on November twenty-first, and the companies were separated, being sent to guard the more exposed places and endeavor to keep the savages from making forays upon the inhabited country lying to the westward of their position. The weather came on exceedingly cold and nearly put a stop to all military operations for a time. The various companies went into winter quarters, but a few events took place in December to prove to the citizens that a state of war existed. The first of these was the descent of some twenty or thirty Indians upon the Rice settlement at the mouth of Lookingglass Creek, eight miles south of Roseburg. The hostiles burned the Rice house, and captured some firearms and did other damage. A small company of men, commanded by J. P. Day, went from Deer Creek to the scene and engaged and defeated the Indians, killing three, it was said. The stolen guns, horses, etc., were recaptured. Castleman, a member of the company, was slightly wounded. The affray occurred on the second of December. The Indians were probably Cow Creeks, a band of disaffected natives, who were actuated by hostility to the whites, but did not, it appears, feel sufficiently warlike to join Limpy and George on the banks of Rogue River.
    Some few of the peaceable, yet wretched and debased family of the Umpquas resided in and around the pleasant vale of Lookingglass, and these, true to their harmless instincts, refrained from war throughout the troublous times of the conflict in the south, and sought by every humble act to express their dependence on and liking for the whites. When war broke out on Rogue River, these inoffensive people were gathered in Lookingglass Valley, occupying a rancheria on the creek of that name, where they lived at peace with all the world, and ignorant and careless of everything outside of their own little sphere. Mr. Arrington was nominally their agent and protector. In an evil hour--for them--certain white people of that vicinity, who imagined that they were dangerous neighbors, organized themselves into a company, and fell suddenly upon the helpless little community, and scattered them to the four winds of heaven. Several men were killed; and one old squaw, in whom old age and rheumatic bones defeated nature's first law of self-preservation, died, a victim, unmeant perhaps, but still a victim, and slain by white men's bullets. The date of this transaction is at hand; and proof of all its particulars; but like other wrongs and much violence done that race, it best were buried, and only resurrected to serve the truth where truth needs telling.
    On Cow Creek quite a series of disturbances occurred during the winter of 1855-6. The first of these in brief was the attack on some hog-drovers from Lane County, who were traversing the road. H. Bailey was killed instantly, and Z. Bailey and three others wounded. The Indians burned on that day (October 24, 1855) the houses and barns of Turner, Bray, Fortune, Redfield and one other. Mr. Redfield placed his family in a wagon and started for a place of safety, but soon the horses were shot, and he took his wife upon his back and carried her to a fortified place. Mrs. Redfield was wounded, however, before reaching there.
    The raid of certain Indians through Camas, Ten-mile and Lookingglass valleys is detailed in another part of this volume. This affair occurred in the later months of the war.
    Late in March Major Latshaw, of the second regiment, set out on an expedition against the Cow Creek Indians, taking with him a portion of the companies of Robertson, Wallan, Sheffield and Barnes. On the twenty-fourth of the month some Indians were found at the big bend of Cow Creek, and were attacked and routed. Several of them were killed or wounded, and one white man, Private William Daley, of Sheffield's company, was killed, and Captain Barnes and Privates Andrew Jones, A. H. Woodruff and J. Taylor were wounded. The Indians disappeared from the vicinity after this defeat, and did not return for a considerable time. These incidents comprise the principal hostile acts which took place in Douglas County.
    The people on Butte Creek, in Jackson County, had, with the first alarm of war, sought safety in a camp of log houses on Felix O'Neal's donation claim. Several families--in fact, nearly the whole population of the country adjoining--made their residences there for a time, and carried out measures of defense. Alcorn's company was recruited among the hardy settlers thereabouts, and subsequent to their return from the first meadows campaign were posted in part at this fortified camp, and served to restore public confidence. Jake, a well-known chief of a small band of Indians, with his braves had long inhabited that portion of the country, and had refused to go on the reservation. The Indian agent, owing to the smallness of their numbers, had never thought it necessary to compel them to go there, and so they were suffered to remain, a nuisance, if not a positive danger to the whites. They were said to steal, and were not supposed to be above the crime of burning buildings. They dwelt in a rancheria between the Butte creeks. On the night of December twenty-fourth, Captain Alcorn, with a part of his men, marched to the rancheria and camped within a mile of it, in the cold and snow. At daybreak the next morning the troops moved within rifle range, and began to fire. This they kept up until the natives were killed or dispersed, their loss being eight "bucks" killed, and the remainder wounded. One squaw was wounded in the jaw, and two men were captured. Only four guns were taken, but no ammunition, and "three stolen horses were recaptured. Old Jake, the chief, was not in the fight, and was reported killed by the Shastas.
    A similar affair occurred at the same date between a detachment of Captain Rice's company, numbering thirty-four men, and the Indians of a rancheria four miles from and on the north side of Rogue River, and just below the mouth of Big Butte Creek. A night march and an attack at daybreak formed the salient features of this affair also, which was likewise completely successful. The Indians were taken by surprise, and after several hours' fighting eighteen males were killed, and twenty squaws and children captured and the rancheria burned. The Indians, finding themselves surrounded, fought bravely to the last. But one female was injured in the fight.
    On the same day on which the detachments of Alcorn and Rice started out, a third one consisting of twenty men of Bushey's company set out on a scouting tour to the neighborhood of Williams' Creek, where a portion of old John's band were busying themselves in many a hostile way, much raised in self-esteem by the partial successes of their bold leader since the war began. On the evening of the same day an Indian trail was found by a spy party, which was followed the next day by the command, but without finding the rancheria. During the evening a man strayed off and became lost. The next day was spent in searching for him under the impression that he had fallen a victim to Indian barbarity. However, on the following day news came of his safe arrival at Thompson's ranch, on the Applegate, and of his having found a camp of ten or twelve Indians, near whom he camped for the night, but escaped unobserved. Orders were immediately given for following that trail, and, the command being divided, the Indian camp was easily found. The foremost detachment, seven in number, opened fire on them and and killed three, putting the rest to flight. No whites were injured.
    Toward the last of December some scouts who happened to be near the forks of the Applegate discovered that a body of Indians probably twelve or so in number had taken possession of two deserted miners' cabins and had gone into winter quarters there, preparing themselves for a state of siege by excavating the floors of the houses and piling the dirt against the walls so as to form a protection against rifle bullets. The scouts withdrew unseen, and going to Sterling told the news. A body of sixty or more miners and others went immediately to watch the cabins and prevent the Indians from escaping, while word was sent to various military companies who began to repair to the spot. Captain Bushey arrived, and finding the position too strong for his small force to take, awaited the arrival of others. Captain Smith sent Lieutenants Hagen and Underwood with twenty-five regulars and the inevitable howitzer, with the design of shelling the savages out; but the fortune of war was unpropitious. The mule carrying the ammunition was so heedless as to fall into a deep creek and be killed, while the powder was ruined. More ammunition was sent for, and Lieutenant Sweitzer with sixteen regulars brought it on a mule. This animal was more fortunate; and the regular army drew up in front of the cabins and at a safe distance fired a shell which passed into or through a cabin and killed, as the records say, two savages. But before the howitzer's arrival the Indians had signalized themselves by a strong resistance. They had killed a man by a rifle shot, at a distance of 500 yards--a display of marksmanship equal to the best known among the whites. Five whites had been wounded.
    After the shell was fired, the regulars postponed further operations until the morrow, as night was near. When they arose the next morning their birds had flown and the cages were empty. Quite a force of volunteers had gathered upon the scene. There were Captain Rice and his company, from the upper end of Bear Creek Valley; some men of Alcorn's company, a few volunteers from Jacksonville, and a delegation from the Applegate. A much regretted event occurred during the day; this was the killing of Martin Angel, of Jacksonville, who set out to accompany the regulars to Star Gulch, the scene of the siege. When two and a half miles from Jacksonville, on the Crescent City road, Angel and Walker, who were about two hundred and fifty yards in advance, were fired on by Indians concealed in the brush beside the road. Angel was killed instantly, four balls passing through his head and neck. Walker was not hit, but escaped death narrowly. When the troops came up the Indians had stripped the dead man and were just retreating into the brush. On the same day (January 2), Charles W. Hull was killed on the divide between Jackson and Jackass creeks, his body being soon found by scouts. Deceased was hunting, but becoming separated from his friends, was waylaid and murdered by Indians. These occurrences, happening so near to the principal town of the whole region, made a very deep impression, and there were those who apprehended the greatest dangers from the "red devils." But happily these were not realized; and the clamors of war died from the listening ears in Jacksonville.
    The history of the Applegate affair includes still another chapter. After it was found that the Indians had made their escape, the regulars returned to the quiet and seclusion of Fort Lane, while Major Bruce, who had arrived upon the field, set out with portions of Rice's, Williamson's and Alcorn's companies, to follow up the wily strategists who had so valiantly defended their positions, and so unexpectedly escaped. Following the trail of the fleeing Indians to the west, the scouts came upon a single Indian, who ran at the top of his speed directly to the Indian camp. The savages, warned by the shouting of the pursued, prepared for a fight and for quite a while resisted that part of Bruce's command which came into action, killing one man, Wiley Cash, of Alcorn's company, and seriously wounding Private Richardson, of O'Neal's company. Some ten or twelve horses, left unguarded by the whites, were taken by the Indians, and several more were shot. This fight occurred on the twenty-first of January, the locality being Murphy's Creek, tributary to the Applegate. Only twenty-five men participated at first, but Lieutenant Armstrong came up with a small reinforcement, and after a most plucky fight succeeded in saving the lives of the detachment. They were surrounded, and being separated from the main body of the troops, could not possibly have escaped but for the providential arrival. The total number of Indians engaged under the leadership of John was probably about fifty.
    The organization of the "southern army," as it was called, it will be recollected, was begun by Colonel John E. Ross. For some reason hard to make out, but certainly not from any reasonable cause, the command of the volunteers on Rogue River was, by proclamation of the governor, dated October 20, 1855, placed in the hands of two officers each with the rank of major, and possessing distinct commands. This notable piece of strategy proved not to succeed well, owing to causes which anyone could have foreseen, and after its ineffectiveness became apparent to the governor and his prime minister, Adjutant General Barnum, the two battalions were united and elevated to the dignity of a regiment, and an election of colonel, lieutenant colonel and majors was ordered for December seventh. Robert L. Williams was chosen colonel. This officer had attained a deserved reputation as an "Indian fighter," and was popularly supposed to be devoid of fear. His qualifications for the office consisted in a highly developed hatred of Indians, a thorough knowledge of their tactics, and the liking of his fellow soldiers, who had elected him triumphantly over Bruce and Wilkinson, both efficient commanders. W. J. Martin became lieutenant colonel, whose command was to be the "right column," which was a newly invented name for the northern battalion. James Bruce remained as major, commanding the "left column" (southern battalion), and Charles S. Drew continued in his place as adjutant. Colonel Williams' regiment was officially styled the second regiment of the Oregon mounted volunteers, and consisted at the time of the colonel's election of the companies of Captains Bailey, Buoy, Keeney, Rice, O'Neal, Wilkinson, Alcorn, Gordon, Chapman and Bledsoe, the aggregate on paper being 901 rank and file, but the effective force was much less. This imposing force lay the greater part of the winter separately stationed at various points wherever their services were required as guards. Occasionally something occurred to break the stagnant routine of camp life, but not often. An Indian raid might be expected, else the war would have lost all attraction. The main body of the army, lying in what is now Josephine County, centered at Vannoy's as their headquarters. The right column remained about the southern boundary of Douglas County.
    Almost the only interesting bit of information of a jocular character which survives to this day is the memorable trip of Captain Keeney from his post to the verdure-clad plains of the Willamette. Captain Keeney was dissatisfied with guard duty. He hungered for a sight of the hills of Lane County. He applied to Colonel Williams for a furlough, but his commanding officer refused, saying no furloughs would be granted until the last Indian in Southern Oregon was killed. The Captain persisted; the Colonel told him to "go to grass." Captain Keeney returned to his command and indignantly related the story of his wrongs, when a private suggested, "He probably meant the Willamette; that's the only grass we've seen." The Captain, elated, said, "Boys, shall we go to grass?" The answer was unanimously affirmative. They broke camp, a hundred strong, arrived in Roseburg December 27, and were in sight of their own homes in time to wish their friends a happy new year. The joke was a good one; but Lieutenant Colonel William J. Martin failed to see it as such. He made it a part of his official business to prefer charges against the homesick farmers who found the war so different from their joyous anticipations. This stern martinet accused Captain Keeney of disobedience to orders, abandoning his position in face of the enemy, "uniform ungentlemanly conduct," and other like charges of formidable tenor. The governor suspended him, but at a later date, as we perceive, the company with their captain were restored to all the rights and privileges pertaining to the most obedient, steady and reliable of soldiers.
    In this time of monotony and ennui charges and countercharges (verbal) were frequent. In February Major Bruce, incensed by the torpor of the volunteers, addressed a communication to Governor Curry, preferring charges against Colonel Williams for inactivity, failure to make public certain orders addressed by the Governor to the troops, etc. Captains O'Neal, Rice, Alcorn, and Wilkinson also appended their names to these charges, whose outcome was the appointment of a brigadier general to shoulder the responsibility which Williams was unequal to. These charges were based on the latter's supposed partiality toward a certain clique of speculators who were thought at the time, and since, to be using their influence to prolong the war in order to further their pecuniary object. The whole subject of the war is entangled throughout with political and financial relations that are exceedingly difficult to unravel, and seem to ill repay the investigator, but nevertheless are so intermingled in people's minds with the cause of the war that it would be impossible to enter upon an examination without giving offense to those whose opinions are already formed. These chapters are written in the firm belief that hostilities with the aborigines were unavoidable, which it requires no very deep reasoning to make apparent. Wherever the Caucasian and the American Indian have come in contact, war and bloodshed have resulted. Even in the remote eastern states, where the Pilgrim Fathers made head against opposing man and nature, the red men were the first and their worst enemies; and even their Puritanical principles could not avoid a war of extermination. Then from analogy we declare that the removal of the Indians from Southern Oregon was a necessity. We admit its inexpediency, while on sentimental grounds we commiserate the unhappy and unfortunate humans whom ill-starred fate drove from a land which was theirs by the right of long possession.
    Sometime in the last days of January Colonel Williams removed the headquarters of the army to Charles Drew's farm, known as Forest Dale, near Jacksonville, and began the construction of barracks, stables and other buildings suitable for his purposes. This measure proved an unfortunate one for him, as it created quite a burst of indignation, being thought to be instigated by the owner of the land, whose interests would be enhanced thereby. Very soon after J. K. Lamerick was appointed brigadier general, and displaced Williams in the chief command, the latter retaining his rank of colonel of the second regiment, subordinate to Lamerick. The new selection does not seem to have been a very happy one; it was made at a time when much dissatisfaction existed against Lamerick, instigated, probably, by the speculative clique, and to add to his embarrassments, the period of enlistment of many men had come to an end, and these were receiving their discharges. The work of reorganizing the forces was very difficult. Most of the former captains and subordinate officers were prejudiced against the new general, and many of these declined to serve under him. The inaction of the troops through the winter had given ample opportunity for political manipulators and others to bias the minds of the troops as they chose, and those small politicians looked upon the war as affording a satisfactory opportunity to urge their claims for preferment.
    By the middle of February two-thirds of the men had received their discharges, and the diminution of the necessary guards made it unsafe, we are told, for anybody to travel alone. Indians were seen repeatedly at points before deemed free from them, and alarm was felt lest there be a repetition of the sad tragedies of the preceding autumn. In this state of affairs General Lamerick removed the headquarters of the regiment again to Vannoy's, deeming that a more suitable place than the retired glades of Forest Dale. In February the companies of Bailey, Keeney, Gordon and Lewis received their final discharge, and those of O'Neal, Sheffield, Abel George, Bushey, M. M. Williams, Wallan, Robertson and Barnes were enlisted. Of these, Abel George and M. M. Williams had commanded companies attached to the ninth regiment in the preceding fall; but being mustered out, along with numerous others, they had entered the service again at the date named. It was thought that it would be difficult to induce a sufficient number of men to enter the service, but these anticipations were met by the reenlistment of nearly every man of the discharged companies, and within a few days a sufficient force had been raised to meet all wants.
    The weather continued unpropitious for military movements throughout the months of February and March, and whatever strategical operations were then resolved upon by General Lamerick were not carried out. The companies remained in winter quarters, guarding suspected localities and taking care of themselves. No incidents of much importance occurred during the time, the Indians remaining mostly at their old haunts upon the lower river, until a-weary of waiting to be attacked. They made disconnected attempts at robbery on sundry occasions, wherever arms or ammunition were to be obtained; but there is no record of serious loss of life from these raids, until the famous one of March twenty-fifth, when Evans' pack train was robbed, and the battle of Eight Dollar Mountain was fought.

    Subsequent to the events just detailed, a transaction of considerable importance took place at the reservation across the river from Fort Lane. This was the removal of Chief Sam's band to the coast reservation west of the Willamette Valley. It was mentioned in treating of the Indian outbreak of the ninth of October that the Table Rock band took no part in those proceedings. On the contrary, the members of that band crossed the river to Fort Lane and besought the protection of Captain Smith, assuring him of their peaceful feelings and deprecating the possible and ever probable violence of the white settlers, which, but for such protection, would surely have befallen them. During the succeeding months they remained under the immediate care of Captain Smith and Agent Ambrose (successor of Culver), and gave not the remotest cause for suspicion on the part of the whites. Chief Joe, celebrated as the foremost member of the Rogue River tribe, was dead. For a long time he had wielded with his brother the divided authority of the tribe. He had been eminent in council; he was not a despicable enemy in battle. He died at his lodge at the lower end of Big Bar not long after the Lane treaty was signed. Notwithstanding the loss of their wisest counselor, the band remained true to the agreements made in 1853, and with a striking devotion to their word refrained entirely from giving aid or countenance to the hostiles, in spite of the utmost inducements to a contrary course. The whole annals of Indian wars have nothing more admirable than the truth and firmness with which these sorely troubled yet constant barbarians maintained the honor of their obligations. Finally, when the Bureau of Indian Affairs had decided to remove all the natives from Southern Oregon, the Table Rock band--being with the Umpquas the only Indians accessible to authority--were sent to the permanent reservation about Yaquina Bay. Such was the state of public sentiment that a guard of one hundred soldiers was deemed necessary in order to protect this little remnant on their progress northward. And this notwithstanding the fact that by their friendship for the whites they had incurred the enmity of all the hostile Indians on Rogue River. The people of the Willamette Valley, jealous of the removal of such celebrated warriors into their neighborhood, and scarce understanding the situation of affairs, called loudly for the citizens to raise an armed force to resist their coming, and exterminate them; but the excitement soon calmed, and the Indians found a final home by the shores of the Pacific.
    Equally illustrative of the tone of public feeling was a circumstance which happened about the middle of February, a little time subsequent to the departure of the Table Rock band. At this time Chiefs Limpy and George, with about thirty warriors well armed and mounted on horses, some of which carried two braves and others three, came up from the Meadows carrying flags of truce, and camped on the reservation opposite Fort Lane. They sent a messenger to Captain Smith to announce their arrival and desire for a talk. Their object was not to make peace, but to secure the surrender of some squaws who were in the hands of the agent. The news of their arrival got abroad instantly, and the various volunteer companies assembled at Forest Dale in haste, no one yet understanding the circumstances, but all inquiring as to the purpose of the invasion. Messengers went to the fort and were informed that the regulars would not allow the Indians to be molested in consequence of their coming under a flag of truce, as these same Indians had respected that symbol on a certain occasion. The law of nations and the regular army prevailed in spite of threat, and the savages returned unmolested to their lair. The Sentinel published a fiery editorial against the United States troops, and refused to be pacified. "We are informed by Major Bruce that Captain Smith said that if anyone fired upon the Indians, he would return the fire. We would ask if our citizen soldiery are to be intimidated by the threat of anyone from avenging the innocent blood that these savages have caused to flow?" This sort of rhetoric did the Indians no hurt; but it proved very expensive to those who furnished army supplies.
    Returning to our main subject, we find that the Illinois Indians, previously at the Indian encampment at the Meadows on Rogue River, had become tired of the monotony of life sufficiently to induce them to make trips to their old hunting grounds in search of plunder and excitement. On the twelfth of February they killed John Guess in his field on Deer Creek, leaving him dead in the furrow. On the morning of March 24, news came to Vannoy's that the enemy had ambushed and killed two travelers, Wright, Vannoy's partner, and Private Olney, of O'Neal's company, who were encamped at the foot of Eight Dollar Mountain, and that the attacking party had at a later hour met another party consisting of five men, and mortally wounded John Davis. Orders were at once sent by Major Bruce to the various companies of his battalion to repair instantly to Fort Vannoy. Captain Hugh O'Neal, who with his company was nearest to the scene of action, had immediately set out for Hays' ranch, or Fort Hays, as it was called, hoping to reach there before the Indians could do so, as that post had but few defenders. A sharp skirmish ensued when within a few hundred yards of the post and Private Caldwell was mortally wounded, and some pack mules loaded with provisions etc., were taken by the Indians, who besieged the fort after the volunteers had taken refuge within it. The enemy abandoned the ground during the night, and returning along the road southward met and attacked Evans' pack train which was coming from Crescent City. They killed a Mexican packer, and wounded "Big Dave." Evans escaped to Reeves' farm, but the mules and packs were all captured by the marauders, who gained a large amount of ammunition by the capture. On receiving the news of this late attack, Lieutenant Colonel W. W. Chapman (recently elected to that office) ordered Major Bruce to attack the enemy with all his available force. There were perhaps 125 men who proceeded under the Major's orders to the scene of Evans' misfortune. The foremost of these engaged the enemy while yet the remainder were dismounting. All horses were left at the foot of the hill which it was necessary to ascend to find the enemy; and a long line of battle, reaching several hundred yards along the side of the mountain, was formed and the troops advanced up the rise. Private Collins led the way up but was shot dead when near the top, falling in the road. John McCarty was also shot, dying soon after, and Private Phillips was mortally wounded. Abel George's men dismounted, and tying their horses to a fence, started uphill on the side next Deer Creek, intending to outflank the Indians, while Captain M. M. Williams engaged them in front, assisted by members of Alcorn, Rice's (Miller's) and other companies. Major Bruce with about fifty men kept along the road to the place where Collins fell. The battle was now a lively one; the rattle of rifles and revolvers was almost continuous, and frequent attempts were made by each party to charge the other. All sought cover, and there was little chance for life for the man who neglected thus to protect himself. At this interesting juncture a shout was raised that the Indians were making off with the horses, left at the foot of the hill. A number of the savages, spying the condition of affairs ran hastily to the spot and mounting some and leading others, escaped with some fifteen of the animals belonging to Abel George's Yreka company.
    The most of the fighting for a time was done by M. M. Williams and about a score of his bravest men, who stood their ground valiantly, and only retreated when the Indians had nearly or quite surrounded them. Alcorn's men and others fought well, also, but the general applause was marred by the conduct of a great many who either ran away during the fight, or else could not be brought into it at all. Over 200 men were within sound of the firing, but not one half that number took any part in the fight, and probably not over fifty engaged in it with energy and resolution. A hundred or more of the readiest fighters ever known among the Indians of this continent held with determination the hill and the thick woods and successfully barred the way. Against this force the volunteers effected nothing. Shortly they began to retire, and gaining the base of the hill, they mounted and returned to Fort Hays, hardly yet sensible of a defeat. The Indians withdrew in their characteristic manner, and hostilities for the time were over.
    Lieutenant Colonel Chapman now established a permanent camp at Fort Hays, making it the headquarters of the companies of Alcorn, George, O'Neal, Wilkinson and Williams, and of himself, Major Bruce and Regimental Surgeon Douthitt.
    On the eighteenth of March, 1856, an election was held in the various camps of the second regiment, and John Kelsey became colonel of the regiment in place of Williams, W. W. Chapman succeeded W. J. Martin as lieutenant colonel, and James Bruce and W. L. Latshaw were elected majors of the two battalions. The respective positions of the battalions remained unchanged or nearly so, that of Bruce being stationed in the Illinois and Rogue River valleys, while that of Latshaw occupied various posts in the southern part of Douglas County, notably Fort Sheffield, so called, on Cow Creek, a post in Camas Valley, Fort Leland, on Grave or Leland Creek, Fort Relief and other points considered to be of strategical importance. The total force of the second regiment, as appears by the rolls, was 807 noncommissioned officers and men, commanded by fifty-one commissioned officers inclusive of the staff.
    With a portion of this force General Lamerick set out in April for an active campaign to the Big Meadows, on Rogue River, then recognized as the rallying point and base of supplies of the entire horde of hostiles, known to number at least 250 and popularly supposed to be twice as numerous. Having collected all his available force at the mouth of the Applegate, the General appointed a day of parade, and fixed upon the fourteenth of April as the day for setting out upon the proposed expedition. On the morning of that day the army set out, under the immediate command of Lieutenant Colonel Chapman, who proceeded in advance with one hundred men, guided by the scouts of Lewis and Bushey. A very long pack train came next, and Major Bruce brought up the rear with the remaining volunteers. A herd of beef cattle was driven along as a part of the commissariat, to be drawn upon as occasion required, and ample provision had been made for anticipated emergencies, even to supplying a couple of canvas boats, portable and collapsible, to be used in crossing the river. Shovels for constructing roads were supplied, and twenty-five days' rations were taken, besides 100 rounds of ammunition for each soldier. General Lamerick announced his intention to remain out until the Indians were completely conquered, or until the army had to return for provisions.
    The southern battalion marched down the south side of Rogue River, and in two or three days reached Peavine Mountain, some twelve miles from the Little Meadows of Rogue River, the objective point of Colonel Kelsey's command. This latter division fitted out at Fort Leland, on Grave Creek, and set out on or about the seventeenth of April and arrived safely at their destination within two or three days, having come via Whiskey Creek. No enemy was met upon the route but shortly after halting at the end of their march the pickets were fired upon by concealed Indians, whom a diligent search failed to discover. The country over which each detachment passed was thoroughly "scoured" by large numbers of scouts, and Indian "sign" in abundance was found, but the wily savages retired secretly before the army, and made no stand. On April twenty-seventh, three men, McDonald, Harkness [probably an error for McDonough Harkness], and Wagoner, express riders between Lamerick's command and Fort Leland, were attacked by Indians at Whiskey Creek, and Harkness, a partner of James Twogood, in the Leland Creek House (otherwise called the Grave Creek House), was killed. His body was found horribly mutilated.
    Captain Barnes, of the spy company, reconnoitered during the halt at the Little Meadows, and found the Indians in large numbers, scattered in the rough, mountainous and brushy country between the camp and the Big Meadows, which lie below the Little Meadows, and also the north side of the river. Major Bruce being communicated with, his battalion was ordered up, and he joined forces with Colonel Kelsey, the total force gathered there being 535 officers and men. The camp was on a high bench or terrace, two miles north of the river and a thousand feet above it. A breastwork of pine trees was formed, enclosing a space sufficient for camping purposes, and there being an abundance of grass and water near, the locality was well adapted for that purpose. The Indian encampment was found to be on a large bar on the south side of the river and some three miles below. The Big Meadows were deserted by them, and the intervening country contained none except those doing duty as scouts. On the twenty-third Colonel Kelsey with 150 men made a reconnaissance toward a suspected point, but without results, and on the same day Major Bruce at the head of a like force, started to descend the slope toward the bar. At a distance of a mile from camp a creek was arrived at, beyond which were collected a considerable number of Indians, but these being beyond rifle range, and Major Bruce's instructions not allowing him to attack, no fighting was done, and the detachment having plainly seen the Indian village on the bar, returned to camp. During the following days until the twenty-seventh, considerable reconnoitering was done, and a brush with the enemy took place, without result. The Indians were thought to number several hundred, including women and children, and were found to be as actively employed in scouting as were the whites themselves.
    At a council of war ordered by General Lamerick it was resolved to attack the enemy in his stronghold on the bar; and to do this effectually and at the same time prevent the Indians from escaping over the mountains in their rear, Major Bruce was ordered to cross to the south side of the river and march to a point where they could be intercepted in case of flight. The other battalion under Colonel Kelsey in person was to proceed westward from the encampment, and gaining the summits opposite the Indians' position, was then to march down the steep declivity directly in their front and attack them from across the river. The southern battalion duly arrived at the point where they were to cross, but the two canvas boats being launched, the men declined to enter them, alleging that the Indians might easily sink them by rifle shots, or failing in that, might massacre the few who would be able to land. Major Bruce's authority was insufficient to compel them to obedience, and the plan was abandoned. It does not appear that any Indians had been seen by the battalion on their march to the river, nor does it seem likely that any considerable number of them, if any, were in the neighborhood, their total force probably having been at that hour at their rendezvous on the bar, three miles below. This is a fair example of the difficulties met with by the officers at that time. Such a state of insubordination prevailed that it rendered all plans nugatory. Every private thought himself entitled to reason upon his superior officer's commands, and to refuse compliance if they seemed injudicious. Under such circumstances it is no wonder that such a large force accomplished so little.
    Major Bruce, being compelled to remain on the north side of the river, concluded to move downstream and join Colonel Kelsey at the bar. Meanwhile, this commander had reached a point on the declivity nearly opposite his objective point, and started directly down hill, following a ridge which afforded comparatively little obstruction to his advance. In this he was much favored by a heavy fog which rested upon the hills, utterly obscuring his every movement from the Indians. Thus he was enabled to arrive nearly at the river before they discovered his whereabouts. The detachment was now formed in order of battle, and all rushed down and took position on the bank of the river facing the Indian encampment on the bar, and opened a continuous fire upon the enemy. The savages were thrown into confusion by the sudden attack, and did not return the fire for some time. The women and children, the former carrying heavy packs, soon left the camp and passed up the hill toward the Illinois River, while the greater part of the males sought shelter in the edge of the fir woods behind their encampment, and watched the movements of the whites. Major Bruce arrived with his command, and taking a position on the left of the northern battalion, began firing at the enemy, who, however, were in positions of comparative safety. Desultory and ineffectual firing was kept up all day, but no means of crossing the river being at hand, nothing could be done to complete the victory. It is supposed that quite a number of Indians were killed, while the only loss to the whites was the severe wounding of Elias Mercer, of Wilkinson's company, who, on being removed to Roseburg, died upon the way. John Henry Clifte also sustained a severe wound, but recovered.
    In the evening the whole force went into camp at the Big Meadows, on the north side of the river and six miles below the former camp. On the following morning Colonel Kelsey and Major Latshaw with 150 men went to a point on the river two miles below the bar, with the expectation of crossing to the south side and "scouring" the country thereabouts. At the same time Lieutenant Colonel Chapman with 100 men marched to the battleground of the previous day to engage the enemy if they were still there, with the object of diverting their attention from the movement below. The former command found Indians scattered along the shore, who showed fight and "moved further into the brush and set up a considerable hallowing," consequently the detachment did not cross. The casualties of the day were, as might be judged, very light. A private of Sheffield's company was wounded, and one or two Indians were thought to be hit, but the latter is very doubtful. About twelve o'clock the Indians "withdrew beyond range of our guns, and deeming it impracticable to cross the river at this point we drew off the command and returned to camp." Lieutenant Colonel Chapman had found no Indians at the bar, so he returned, probably also thinking it impracticable to cross. Major Bruce had "scoured" in the direction of John Mule Creek with 100 men and he also returned unharmed.
    On the twenty-ninth Captain Crouch, with his company, left for Roseburg, via Camas Valley, to escort the wounded to the hospital. The remainder of the regiment broke camp and occupied the bar where the Indian encampment had stood, and met with no resistance in so doing. The scouts reported that the Indians had all left the vicinity and that the remains of seventy-five campfires existed on the mountainside above the bar, marking the spot where they encamped on the night following Colonel Kelsey's attack. On the thirteenth the command remained at the bar on account of bad weather, and Captain Lewis' spies reported that the Indians had gone down the river. "The provisions now being nearly exhausted, and the weather continuing so unfavorable, it was considered impracticable to follow the enemy over the rough ground before us, which was covered with snow, and many of the soldiers were already nearly barefooted." On the first of May, the troops recrossed the river, Captains George and Bushey proceeded immediately to Grave Creek, while the rest camped at the Big Meadows, at a place selected as the site of a permanent fort. Williams, Wilkinson, Keith, Blakely and Barnes' companies were detailed to remain there, the remaining companies setting out for home the next day. Captains Sheffield and Noland with their men went to Roseburg via Camas Valley, and Robertson, Wallan, Miller (Rice's), O'Neal, Alcorn and Lewis' companies marched to Fort Leland, the headquarters of the northern battalion, which they reached on the fourth of May.
    If we sum up the fruits of this, the Second Meadows Campaign, we shall find that they equal those of the first. To descend to details, we find that the army "scoured" a large tract of wild country, consumed twenty-five days' rations in two weeks, drove the Indians from their place on the bar to another place in some unknown region, and returned to civilization. It is useless to enter into any long explanations of why such slight results were attained. It must have been partly the insubordination of the troops, who while nominally under the command of their general, colonel, lieutenant colonel, four majors and unlimited captains and lieutenants, domineered shamefully over these officers and acted their own pleasure in times of emergency. It is difficult to understand why these individuals retained their commands under such discouraging circumstances, and why their own self-respect did not impel them to quit their charges in disgust. Some curious and amusing incidents, whose record has come down to us, will illustrate the spirit of insubordination which so injured the army's usefulness. After General Lamerick had planned the fight at the Meadows and had given Major Bruce the order to cross the river, one of the latter's men said, "Look here, Gen'ral; this ain't gwine ter do. Jest as sure as we cross thar, some of us will git hit. Don't yer know we got one man killed tryin' ter cross thar afore?" Rather more encouraging was a reply to one of Major Bruce's commands to charge, "Yes, we say charge, and we'll chalk you out a damned good charge, Major!" There is no question of the individual bravery of those men. As expressed by one who was among them--a coward had no chance. A more daring set could not have existed than these miners and settlers. Their experience had made them the most self-reliant men that the world contained. But the peculiar circumstances surrounding them, the fact of their officers being raised from the ranks and being consequently regarded as no better than anybody else, wonderfully impaired their efficiency and reliability.

    Having now brought the detail of events down to the end of the second meadows campaign, it will be necessary to retrograde in order that a connected account of of affairs in a totally distinct region may be given, and their bearing upon the main features of our story be understood. The coast of Curry County had become known to Americans through the energetic explorations of Captain Tichenor and others in 1850 and 1851. The gold-bearing sand along the beaches was examined a few years later, and during the half-dozen years next following its discovery the region became a mining locality of considerable importance. Several hundred miners had, by the fall of 1855, gathered near the mouth of Rogue River, and together with the traders and others incidental to mining communities, made up a considerable population. These people lived mainly at the mouth of Rogue River, and held communication with the outer world by way of San Francisco, accessible by steam and sailing vessels, and with Crescent City by means of a much traveled road along the coast southward. The mouth of Rogue River is sixty-one miles north of Crescent City, Pistol River is twelve miles south of Rogue River, and Chetco, nearly upon the California state line, is twenty-five miles south. Some thirty miles north of the Rogue River is Port Orford, celebrated as the place where the first landing and settlement upon this portion of the coast was made, and where the first people to land sustained a memorable siege by Indians. Port Orford was, during the Indian wars, a military post of the United States army. No communication, or scarcely any, was carried on along the coast northward from Curry County, nor was it considered accessible from the eastward. Rough and impassable ranges of heavily wooded mountains cover almost the entire surface of the country and approach so near to the coast as to almost cut off travel by the sea shore. On the east these mountains penetrate to the Illinois, the Applegate and Cow Creek. Among their defiles meander streams to whose beds the sunlight never penetrates. Steep hillsides and bushy canyons block the path of the adventurous explorer who would fain force his way among them, and roaring streams, swollen by winter's rains to an impassable height, impede the progress of man or animal. Among these mountains roamed the elk, deer, bear and smaller game in profusion. In the open glades and by the sides of the cool streams grew the salmonberry, and many edible roots. In such a region existence was an easily solved problem, and a numerous race of Indians gave proof of its solution.
    Here resided the To-to-tin, a numerous people, related to the Rogue Rivers and Klamaths. Their northern limits were at Coos Bay; toward the south they reached Chetco. They were divided into twelve bands, of whom eight lived along the coast, being the Yasomah, at the mouth of the Coquille; the Quah-to-mah, on Floras Creek; Sixes (first called Shix) River and Port Orford; the Co-sut-hen-tan, near the Three Sisters; the Eu-qu-ach-ees, along the coast from Port Orford to Rogue River; the Yahshutes, southward of the river; next the Chet-less-un-tun, or Pistol Rivers, about the mouth of that stream; the Wish-te-not-ins south of the Pistol Rivers, and north of the Chetcos (Che-at-tee), who were the southernmost tribe. On Rogue River were the To-to-tins, who gave their name to the whole tribe; the Mack-a-no-tins lived above, and the Shista-koos-tees still higher up stream, or about the mouth of the Illinois. At the forks of the Coquille dwelt the Cho-cre-ten-tan band. All these divisions were small; the Chetcos, the most numerous, numbering but 242 in the summer of 1854, while the total number of Coast Indians was 1230, of whom 448 were men.
    On the resignation of Judge Skinner in 1853, Samuel H. Culver became Indian agent for Southern Oregon, and resided for a part of the time at Port Orford. The government had decided upon the removal of the To-to-tin tribe to a reservation, but with the usual delay of governmental matters this was not carried out in time to avoid the great catastrophe. In 1854 Isaiah L. Parrish became agent and made the enumeration of the Coast Indians, whence the above statistics are taken. There is nothing distinctive or peculiar about the intercourse of these people with the whites who came into the country; they received the usual treatment accorded the Indian by the Caucasian. With rather more than ordinary patience and humility they endured the encroachments of the higher civilization, and lived on calmly in their smoky hovels, spearing the salmon and gathering mussels, until their outbreak in 1856. From a long list the following incidents have been extracted, to show whatever they may of the situation of affairs along the coast previous to that date. The report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1854 states that on or about the fifteenth of February, 1854, one Miller, with several accomplices from Smith River, killed fifteen Chetcos, residing at the mouth of the river of that name, because these Indians interfered with the profits of a ferry which he was running. They transferred white passengers in their canoes, thus competing in a manner unacceptable to Miller. By another source we are told that Miller was subsequently indicted for the killing and sentenced to two years in the penitentiary. But this assertion is too wildly improbable for belief. It had no precedent, and has no subsequent counterpart. The only case in our knowledge that bears a resemblance was that of a white man named Thompson, who was indicted for murdering an Indian on Galice Creek some time in 1854. The defendant made his escape before his case came to trial and left the country.
    On a previous page in this book the "Coquille massacre" was referred to. This was the work of forty miners and others living near the mouth of the Coquille, who killed sixteen Indians who were accused of having become "insolent" to the whites, and specifically of having said "God damn American" in the presence and contrary to the dignity of a white citizen of this great republic--of having fired a shot at a crowd of whites--of cutting a ferryboat rope--of riding a white man's horse without permission--and finally, of having refused to explain these insolent actions. On page 272 and following of the Indian commissioner's report for 1854 may be found descriptions of the subsequent proceedings of the whites, wherein they demolished an Indian village, killed sixteen persons, including a squaw and an infant, and wounded several more. These statements having been given by Abbott, leader of the whites, no room is left for cavil.
    Another incident of importance has a termination somewhat different from the ordinary tale, but is itself very lamentable in its results. On August 26, 1855, James Buford, a miner living at the mouth of Rogue River, became involved in a quarrel with an Indian, and was shot by the latter, the bullet taking effect in Buford's shoulder. The native was arrested and brought before a justice of the peace, and after a partial examination it was resolved to remove him for the night to the council ground, and afterwards to Port Orford. There being a considerable number of Indians thereabouts, a squad of United States troops was detailed for the service of guarding the prisoner, who was taken in a large canoe with his guard. Shortly, another canoe ran alongside in the semidarkness, and from it Buford and two friends, Hawkins and O'Brien, fired and killed the prisoner and an Indian who was paddling. Instantly the soldiers returned the fire, killing two and mortally wounding the other assailant, who retained only sufficient strength to swim ashore, where he died upon the bank. This incident, we need not add, created a great deal of excitement, and resulted in a war of words against the army which could so quickly take the side of the savages, and leave unavenged the wrongs they committed upon the whites. Nevertheless, the army was, from the nature of things, opposed to the whites, although they could not be said to favor the Indians. Departmental instructions leave the officer commanding a military post no option regarding the treatment of either savage or civilized persons, but require him to interpose to restrain, on the one hand, the violence of the nation's aboriginal wards, and on the other to resist the action of the whites who may interfere unlawfully with them. After the uprising of the interior Indians under John, Limpy and other chiefs, the Coast Indians were solicited to join in the warfare against the whites, but the sentiment of the larger portion was for peace, and the overtures of those chiefs were rejected. The Buford affair may be allowed to have contributed somewhat to produce the hostilities which followed in the spring of 1856, but still greater weight is probably to be attached to the success of the malcontents on the river above in resisting the efforts of their opponents who sought to conquer them. During the early part of the winter of 1855-6 symptoms of increasing discontent were noticed among the natives, and the condition of affairs was pronounced grave enough to warrant immediate measures being taken to preserve peace. An Indian agent for the locality at the mouth of the river was considered indispensable, and Ben Wright, the celebrated Indian fighter, who had gained a vast experience in the management of the savages, and who had sustained intimate domestic relations with various tribes, was, at the solicitation of certain people of Yreka and elsewhere, appointed to that post as successor to Mr. Parrish, by Joel Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Oregon. Wright began his ministrations under favorable auspices and for a time everything promised security for the whites, whose fears were not of the most serious cast. The military arm was present in the person of Brevet Major Reynolds, U.S.A., who, with his company of the third artillery, was stationed at Port Orford, the post bearing the official designation of Fort Orford. This force, though too small to be of much service in time of a real outbreak, still served to maintain order as between the whites and natives, and was much relied upon by the infant colony so far away from effective help, and so completely at the mercy of the savages. The settlers, of course, were almost entirely men in the prime of life; very few women and children had yet arrived in the country--a peculiarly fortunate circumstance as we shall see. Only two or three white families were to be found at the settlement at the mouth of the river, called Gold Beach, but many miners abode in small cabins scattered along the banks of that stream for several miles upwards from the mouth, and along the seacoast north and south, but mainly located near the present site of Ellensburg. Three miles up the river was Big Flat, where a considerable settlement had been formed, and some land brought under cultivation.
    Something had been done in the way of protection against possible outbreaks by the formation of a small company of volunteers who were under the command of Captain Poland. This company numbered thirty-three men and had been called out by the agent and stationed at the Big Bend, some fifteen miles up the river, where they served to separate the hostiles above from the peaceful Indians below. Here they had a strongly fortified post and were deemed secure from defeat or capture. These troops maintained their station until about the first of February, 1856, when they abandoned it and joined the main body of citizens at Gold Beach. Wright, observing the growing discontent of the natives at this time, put forth every effort to induce them to go peaceably on to the temporary reservation at Port Orford, where they would be safe from the attack of ill-disposed whites and the solicitations of hostile Indians. It was still thought, notwithstanding hints of an outbreak, that the Indians about the mouth of the river would be induced to submit to the authority of the superintendent and would eventually, without trouble or bloodshed, be removed to some distant reservation. It has always been supposed that it was owing to the intriguing of one man that this effect was not brought about. This man was an Indian of some eastern tribe--Canadian, it was said--and had been with Fremont on his last expedition ten years before. He possessed great experience of savage warfare and savage craft and duplicity, of which latter qualities he was certainly a master. Enos, called by the Indians Aeneas, had become a confident of Wright's to the extent of knowing, it is said, all his plans for the peaceful subjugation of the Indians. We must confess Ben Wright changed from what fact and tradition have described him, if instead of meditating a mighty coup de main to destroy them, he relied upon negotiations, squaws' enticements and the persuasions of an Indian renegade to accomplish what his arms alone had been wont to do. Enos, nominally for Wright, constantly entered the Indian camps, in one of which his wife dwelt; and laid with the braves of those coast tribes a far-reaching plan to destroy utterly and beyond regeneration the small colony of whites; and this done, to join the bands of savages who were waging war along the upper reaches of the Rogue, and at one fell swoop to defeat and drive from the country the invaders who so harrowed the Indian soul. Thus large they say his plan was; but not larger, doubtless, than those of other savages, but more nearly being executed than most others, because laid by a brain that could contrive and a disposition that made bloody deeds and violence like balm to his feelings. Many a dangerous and rough enemy the whites had in Southern Oregon, but none more dangerous nor capable than this planning and contriving, smiling and hating foreign Indian, whose treachery cost the seacoast colony many valuable lives and nearly its whole material wealth.
    The first step in Enos' portentous plan was to slaughter Wright and the settlers along the coast. On the evening of February 22, having completed his arrangements, Enos with a sufficient force of his Indians fell upon the scattered settlement at the south side of the mouth of the river, and finding Agent Wright alone in his cabin, entered it seen but unsuspected by him, and with an ax or club slaughtered this hero of a hundred bloody fights. So died perhaps the greatest of the Indian fighters whom this coast ever knew. Concluding this villainy, the Indians sought new victims, and during the night killed mercilessly, with shot or blows, twenty-four or twenty-five persons, of whom the list is here presented, as given by various authorities: Captain Ben Wright, Captain John Poland, John Geisel and three children, Joseph Seroc and two children, J. H. Braun, E. W. Howe, Barney Castle, George McCluskey, Patrick McCullough, Samuel Hendrick, W. R. Tullus, Joseph Wagoner, ------ Seaman, Lorenzo Warner, George Reed, John Idles, Martin Reed, Henry Lawrence, Guy C. Holcomb and Joseph Wilkinson. Three prisoners they took--Mrs. Geisel and her remaining children Mary and Annie--the three of whom, after suffering the worst hardships at the hands of the Indians, were delivered from them at a later date, and now live to recount with tears the story of their bereavement and captivity.
    A large portion of the inhabitants thereabouts had gathered on that fateful night at the Big Flat to attend a dance given there, and so failed of death; and on the morrow these set out for the ransacked village, and arriving there found that the Indians had gone, leaving the fearful remains of the butchery. The corpses were buried; and the remaining population, numbering perhaps 130 men, scantily supplied with firearms and provisions, hastened to the north bank of the river, and sought protection in a fort, so called, which quite providentially stood there, having been constructed previously by some whites in anticipation of such need. Here the survivors gathered and for a time sustained a state of siege with the added horrors of an imminent death by starvation. Their only communication from without was by means of two small coasting schooners which made occasional trips to Port Orford or Crescent City. At the former place lay Major Reynolds with a force scarcely sufficient to maintain order; and when the messengers from Gold Beach arrived and told their direful tale, the citizens of the post with their families and most valuable goods took refuge at the barracks, whence the commander refused to move. He advised an entire abandonment of the settlement at Gold Beach, but as the Indians surrounded it and commanded all approaches by land, it was obviously impossible for the beleaguered citizens to escape, unless by sea, and that recourse was also cut off. Meantime the now-aroused savages were not idle. Every dwelling and every piece of property of whatever description that fire could touch was destroyed. The country was devastated utterly, and only the station of Port Orford remained inhabited, if we except the fort at the mouth of the river. The buildings at Gold Beach were all burned, and an estimate of the property destroyed along the coast fixes the damage at $125,000. Subsequent to the first attack a number of other persons were killed by the Indians, these being Henry Bullen, L. W. Oliver, Daniel Richardson, Adolf Schmoldt, Oliver Cantwell, Stephen Taylor, and George Trickey. By an unhappy chance H. I. Gerow, merchant; John O'Brien. miner; Sylvester Long, farmer; William Thompson and Richard Gay, boatmen, and Felix McCue were drowned in the breakers opposite the fort, while bringing aid and provisions from Port Orford.
    At the same time the messenger proceeded to Port Orford application was made to Captain Jones of the regular army, who was stationed at Crescent City, and this officer offered the services of twenty-five troops, and except for General Wool's commands, would have instantly taken the field with that small force and marched to the assistance of the besieged citizens. But as we shall see a concerted movement against the Indians was about to be made wherein the scattered companies of regulars were each to bear a part. The citizens of Crescent City quickly organized a company of men, of whom G. H. Abbott was chosen captain; T. Crook, first lieutenant, and C. Tuttle, second lieutenant; and these made preparations for a campaign against the Indians and were of much use in the hostilities which followed. The Crescent City people appealed to the troops in arms in Jackson County, and then mostly lying inactive at Vannoy's, Fort Hays, Forest Dale, and other places, for assistance in putting down this new uprising and saving the lives of the coast people, but without effect, since the officers feared the consequences that might follow a withdrawal of any troops from the valley.
    The operations of the regular army which resulted in freeing Curry County from the presence of hostile Indians are thus alluded to by Captain Cram. On the ninth of November, 1855, General John E. Wool, in command of the military department of the Pacific, while on his way to the Yakima country where war had broken out, arrived at Crescent City, and there learned of the existence of hostilities in Southern Oregon, of the formation of the "southern army" of volunteers, and of the fight at Hungry Hill. Deeming the volunteers, with the assistance of the few regulars at Forts Lane and Jones, sufficient for the occasion, and there being no regular troops available for service in this district, General Wool gave himself no further concern about the matter, being averse to winter campaigns. General Wool's presence in Southern Oregon, says Captain Cram, was exceedingly opportune. He was enabled to judge of the measures necessary to be taken by his own command, and acting upon the basis of humanity for the Indians and with a due regard for the safety of the settlements, he instructed commanders of posts to receive and protect such friendly Indians as chose to come in and remain at the military posts. These were the precautions taken in consequence of "a due regard for the safety of the settlements": Captain Jones, who was posted with his company of fifty men at Fort Humboldt, received orders some time during the war to proceed to Crescent City and "protect all supplies and public property, also to guard the friendly Indians gathered there by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs in Oregon"; and Major Reynolds with his company of just twenty-six artillerymen was ordered to remain at Fort Orford, ninety miles above Crescent City and thirty miles from Gold Beach, the spot where the Indians' blows must soonest fall, and only distant some forty or less miles from the common rendezvous of all the hostiles. It would require no generalship to ascertain the unprotected state of the settlements along the coast. Absolutely no protection, military or natural, existed for the community at Gold Beach, excepting that these people had raised, as before mentioned, a small company, part of whom were stationed at the Big Bend of Rogue River, some fifteen miles above its mouth and a strategic point, where they acted as a guard to prevent the hostiles commanded by John, Limpy and other chiefs from communicating with or annoying the Indians of Gold Beach district, as before mentioned. Had those indomitable warriors been disposed to attack the coast people, there was absolutely no power at hand capable of making a successful resistance. The garrison at Big Bend would have been crushed, the friendly Indians scattered, and scenes of blood enacted similar to those we have recounted. Why the hostile Indians made no such attempt is a subject for speculation; certainly the regular army did nothing to prevent it. When spring came, General Wool, "being previously well advised as to the topography of the district and of the probable positions of the Indians," and having been informed of the imminent danger of the coast settlements, proceeded, leisurely enough, to "put in effect a plan for terminating the Rogue River war by United States troops." Which war he proposed to terminate thus is not known; but it is plain that two separate wars had gone on during the weeks succeeding the "Ben Wright Massacre"--the one being by the Coast Indians against the coast colony, the other by John and Limpy and their bands against the volunteers of the southern army. From and after the arrival of the United States troops at the mouth of the Rogue, we can only recognize a single contest, the exigencies of war having brought about an alliance of the savages, and the mutual though reluctant cooperation of the regulars and volunteers.
    The general's plan is thus outlined in reports of the War Department: A detachment of one hundred men had been sent from Fort Lane to guard Sam's band to the coast reservation, which left a very small number there for offensive operations. Captain Augur's company of the fourth infantry was ordered down from Vancouver to Fort Orford to reinforce Major Reynolds, which "would afford troops enough to protect the friendly Indians and public stores collected there, and leave another small force disposable for the field." Captain Ord's company of the third artillery, stationed at Benicia, California, was ordered to be in readiness to embark on the steamer for Oregon. Brevet Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan, major in the fourth infantry, was selected to take charge of the field operations. On March fifth the General embarked at San Francisco with Ord's company, Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan, Captain Cram, Lieutenants Bonnycastle and Arnold, and Assistant Surgeon Milhau, for the seat of war. On the eighth of March Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan landed at Crescent City with Ord's company, and united with Jones' regulars and Abbott's volunteers in a vigorous prosecution of the war. General Wool's plan consisted of the conjoined action of the troops from Crescent City with those from Port Orford and those of Captain Smith, to whom orders had been sent to descend the Rogue River in time to cooperate in the work. Captain Abbott, setting out from Crescent City before the regulars were ready, encountered the Pistol River and Chetco bands and fought them for a day, losing several men who were wounded and Private Miller killed, and ultimately being surrounded and forced to take refuge behind logs upon the beach. A night was spent thus when the regulars, 112 in number, under Captains Jones and Ord (E. O. C. Ord, late a major general in the United States service, deceased in 1883), who charged and drove the savages away. Tarrying in the vicinity a few days for the purpose of inflicting a severe lesson on these hostiles, their camp was taken by the volunteers and the fleeing inmates were met and severely chastised by the regulars.
    On the twentieth of March Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan, with the regulars from Crescent City, arrived at the mouth of Rogue River, having left Captain Abbott at Pistol River to keep open communications with Crescent City, the base of supplies. Operations on the lower Rogue began by an assault upon the Makanootenai [Mackonotin, Mikonotunne] rancheria, about ten miles upstream and four or six below Big Bend. Captains Ord and Jones took the town, killing several Indians and driving the rest to their canoes. One man, Sergeant Nash, was severely wounded. A few days later a detachment of Captain Augur's company reached the mouth of Illinois River and found some ten or twelve Indians belonging to John or Limpy's band, and fought them. The Indians strove desperately and five of them fell dead before the conflict was decided. Captain Augur had thus far failed to effect a junction with his superior officer and after the fight found it necessary to return toward Gold Beach. The Indians of the upriver band followed him closely, entering his camp as soon as he had abandoned it and whooping, burning loose powder and dancing to testify their joy at his presumed defeat.
    Captain Smith set out from Fort Lane with eighty men--fifty dragoons comprising his own company, and thirty infantrymen. All of these went on foot, and the former carried their musketoons, "an ill-featured firearm that was alike aggressive at both ends" and which contributed to the inefficiency of that branch of the service as much as any cause. However, it is a matter of fact that the United States government is always at least a score of years behind the age in the armament of its troops, so the reader should not be surprised to learn the peculiarities of the musketoon, the principal weapon of mounted troops in that decade. Captain Smith marched down Rogue River, up Slate Creek to Hays' farm, from thence to Deer Creek and thence down Illinois River to the Rogue, and encamped a few miles further down that stream, having come to his destination.
    Negotiations had been in progress for a few days, thanks to the exertions of Palmer, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and it was hoped that an agreement would be reached, at least with the Coast Indians who were now much scattered. Enos, with quite a number of his followers, had joined the upriver bands who were lying on the river above the Big Bend. Some others had gone to Port Orford and placed themselves under the protection of the military there, and no malcontents were left upon the coast save a few Pistol River and Chetco Indians who had not yet been sufficiently pacificated. Several actions had taken place at various points along the coast, the results of which were calculated to humble the Indians. On the twenty-seventh of March a party of regulars were fired upon from the brush while proceeding down the banks of the Rogue, whereupon they charged the enemy and killed eight or ten savages, with a loss to themselves of two wounded. On April 1, Captain Creighton with a company of citizens attacked an Indian village near the mouth of the Coquille River, killing nine men, wounding eleven and taking forty squaws and children prisoners. These Indians had been under the care of the government authorities at Port Orford until a few days before the fight and only left that place because some meddlesome whites had represented to them that it was the soldiers' intention to kill them. Consequently they left, and Creighton with his men pursued and attacked them. Again, a party of volunteers intercepted several canoeloads of Indians near the mouth of the Rogue River and killed eleven males and one squaw; one male and two squaws only escaped. On the twenty-ninth of April a party of sixty regulars, convoying a pack train, were attacked near Chetco by the remnant of the band of savages of that name, supposed to number about sixty, but probably less, and two or three soldiers were killed or wounded. The battle ended by the defeat of the natives, who lost six braves killed, and several wounded. In the month of April three volunteer companies operated on the coast, and did much service in spite of their being badly armed and equipped. These were the Gold Beach Guards, the Coquille Guards and the Port Orford Minute Men.

    The Indian occupancy of Southern Oregon was now reaching its last days. The soil whereon the red man had trod and from whence arose the smoke of his camp fire was about to pass forever into the possession of an alien race. The stormy scenes of the past six years were about to close, and the striving of white and red men had reached its climax. Hemmed in on all sides, without resources, without friends, the hostile tribes felt their inability to cope with the organized forces now directed against them, and succumbed to the inevitable. Yet they did not relinquish their native land without tremendous struggles. The severest conflict of the war was the last. The part the volunteers took in the termination of hostilities was very creditable. Major Bruce, it will be remembered, was left in charge of the construction of the proposed fort at the Big Meadows, which was named Fort Lamerick, and was garrisoned by the companies of Blakely, Bledsoe, Barnes, Keith, and Noland (successor of Captain Buoy), aggregating rather more than 200 effective men. Being above the position occupied by the hostile Indians, Fort Lamerick proved well situated for the purposes for which it was held, and being so strongly garrisoned the Indians were effectually prevented from reoccupying their old haunts to the eastward. While the troops were doing the indispensable duty of confining the savages to the lower part of the river the citizens, safely immured in their own houses, were actively engaged in complaining that the army did nothing and should be discharged. If there was a time when their services were valuable it was now that Old John and his allies, rendered desperate by dearth of provisions and the near approach of the regulars, sought to escape from the mountain fastnesses which had been to them a prison. The consequences of a raid by these desperate Indians upon the valleys and inhabited places would have exceeded any ills yet known or imagined save the massacre of Wyoming, which might again have been enacted. In a word, the volunteers rendered the invaluable service of confining the enemy to a tract of uninhabited country where they could do no damage, and from whence it was impossible for them to escape.
    On the twenty-first and twenty-second of May, Superintendent Palmer and the commander-in-chief held a conference with the Indians, invitations to all of whom had been extended. This is officially known as the Council of Oak Flat, the locality being on the right bank of the Illinois River, some three miles above its mouth. Nearly all the regular troops were present, making quite a display of force, the aggregate number of regulars at hand being about 200. Almost all the hostiles were present, and awed, no doubt, by the impressiveness of the spectacle, most of them agreed to surrender on a certain day. Not so however with chief John. This undaunted chieftain, when called upon to speak, said to Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan: "You are a great chief; so am I a great chief; this is my country; I was in it when these trees were very little, not higher than my head. My heart is sick fighting the whites, but I want to live in my country, I will not go out of my country. I will, if the whites are willing, go back to the Deer Creek country and live as I used to do among the whites; they can visit my camp and I will visit theirs; but I will not lay down my arms and go to the reserve. I will fight. Goodbye." And so saying, he strode into the forest.
    The result of the negotiations was the agreement of a great many Indians, notably the coast bands, to come in and give up their arms at a time and place fixed by the superintendent. On or before the twenty-sixth of May they were to assemble at the Big Meadows, and be escorted thence to Port Orford. The whole of the regular troops were at the council, save Ord's company which had been sent to Port Orford to escort a provision train to the command at Oak Flat. Reynold's company was sent out to meet the same train, as its safety was very important. On the twenty-fourth Captain Smith left Oak Flat with his eighty dragoons and infantrymen to proceed to Big Meadows and perform escort duty when the Indians surrendered. He crossed the river and encamped on the north side near the place fixed upon for the surrender. On the twenty-fifth the chief in command moved from Oak Flat down the Illinois and, leaving Jones' company at its mouth, went across the Rogue with Augur's company and set about opening a trail for the passage of the surrendered Indians with their guard, who were expected the next day. On the evening of May twenty-sixth Lieutenant Colonel Buchanan with Augur's company was on the north side of the river, some few miles from the mouth of the Illinois; Captain Ord was about ten miles west of Oak Flat, with the train; Jones was at the mouth of the Illinois; Reynolds about ten miles below that point, on the Port Orford trail; Smith at Big Meadows; and the main body of the Indians were on the bank of the Rogue, about five miles above Smith. The twenty-sixth passed and no Indians came in, but Smith was informed that they were delayed by slippery roads, and would be in during the next day. During the evening of the same day, George, a well-known chief of the Indians, and previously often spoken of, caused it to become known to Captain Smith that an attack was meditated on his camp. He instantly set about moving his command to a much more secure position an the river between two small creeks entering the main stream from the northwest. He occupied an oblong elevation some two hundred and fifty yards in length, and about twenty in width. Between this mound and the river is a narrow bottom called Big Meadows, but which was not the same locality designated by the volunteers as Big Meadows, and whereon stood Fort Lamerick. The latter locality is several miles further up the river, and further removed from the stream. The top of the elevation on which Captain Smith was now encamped formed a plateau of size sufficient for one company to encamp upon, and is of slight elevation. Directly to the north is another elevation of equal height and within rifle range of the first. Early in the morning of the twenty-seventh, Smith sent a messenger to apprise Buchanan of his new position, and that the Indians had not come in. He also added to the express: "I think Old John may attack me."
    The express reached Buchanan in due time and was sent back to inquire of Smith if reinforcements were desired; but finding him surrounded with Indians fighting actively, the express returned to Buchanan, but getting lost in the night, did not reach that officer until the morning of May 28. Buchanan at once ordered Captain Augur to reinforce Smith, and that officer, marching eighteen miles in four and a half hours, broke upon the savages and scattered them. The story of Smith's defense against large odds is thus told:
    Directly after the departure of the messenger, the savages came in from all directions and soon the north mound was covered with them. A body of forty warriors attempted to enter camp, but were halted on the spot and told to lay down their arms at a certain spot. There being a howitzer planted so as to rake that approach, and a body of infantry at hand, the Indians felt it best to retire and consult their chiefs who stood upon the northern mound, where John was actively giving orders. At ten o'clock in the forenoon the Indians, who had completely surrounded Smith's position, made a sudden rush upon it, from both sides; but they were repulsed by the howitzer and infantry. John developed all the tactics and strategy of a consummate general in his management of these and subsequent charges, and from his station gave commands in the Indian tongue, which were distinctly heard in Smith's camp and interpreted to the Captain. Implicit and thorough obedience characterized the conduct of his warriors, who fought bravely to carry out their commander's intentions. It was a spectacle unparalleled in the annals of savage warfare, to behold a body of undisciplined men move obediently to perform the orders of a leader who was not a leader in the sense to which these children of the forest were accustomed. Disregarding the traditions of his race which impel a chief to perform the most dangerous personal service, John, adopting the methods of civilization, confined himself to the more important duty of organizing and directing his warriors. His method of attack was by means of small arm fire at long range, wherein many of the warriors, particularly of his own band, were adepts; charges by the larger bodies of braves; and unexpected attacks by smaller numbers, who sought to gain the mound by scaling the steeper portions where the guard was weak. Only thirty of Smith's men had arms adapted to long range shooting, the dragoons' musketoons being useless except at close quarters. John's men, on the contrary, possessed excellent pieces and shot effectively from almost incredible distances. The battle having been prolonged until night, the Indians drew off and encamped, resolved to renew the fight in the morning. Smith occupied his men in constructing rifle pits and building with his camp equipage temporary defenses, and in procuring water from the river for his thirsty troops. On the following morning the Indians again opened fire and continued the battle. Old John put forth all his efforts to seize victory, as there was every chance that reinforcements for Smith would soon arrive, when all hope of terminating the war favorably to the Indians would be lost. But in spite of his generalship and personal bravery the assaults were successfully repulsed, and owing to the improved system of defenses, less damage was caused by the sharpshooters upon the north mound.
    About four o'clock in the afternoon the Indians formed in two bodies with the intention of attacking both flanks simultaneously, and in force. Just at the critical moment of their attack, Captain Augur's company was seen advancing. In conjunction with these Smith charged and dispersed the enemy, John and all the rest escaping into the woods. Smith's loss was twenty-nine in killed and wounded, the most of whom were hit by bullets from the north mound. Says Captain Cram: "The number of warriors who arranged themselves under the banner of Old John for this last struggle for the defense of their valley was about 400." Aside from the glaring solecism of mentioning Indians as fighting under a banner, this sentence contains the important error of ascribing to John's warriors at least twice their actual force. Two hundred would probably be nearer the mark, and even this number may be too large, as it is well known that the band over which John was chief only numbered from two to three score, and all in excess must have been volunteers for the occasion. It is reported that the Indians were so confident of capturing Smith and his command that they provided a number of pieces of rope, corresponding to the number of men in the command, wherewith to hang the whites, thereby saving the powder which would be required to shoot them; but several almost convincing objections to the truth of the report suggest themselves. They also intended, it is said, to attack the scattered forces of Buchanan in detail, and annihilate them before they could effect a junction; a feasible plan in view of their wide separation. To prevent any like attempts for the future, Buchanan concentrated his forces at the Big Meadows on the thirtieth of May, and remained there until the greater part of the Indians had surrendered.
    While Captain Smith was thus contending with John and his warriors, the volunteers some miles up the river were fighting Limpy and George and their people. Major Latshaw left Fort Lamerick on January twenty-seventh with 213 men, and marched twelve miles down the river and during the next day skirmished with the Indians of some rancherias still lower down, killing some and taking fifteen prisoners. On the twenty-ninth, the day following John's defeat by Captain Smith, more skirmishing was done, and H. C. Houston, sergeant in Keith's company, was badly wounded. On the following day fighting took place on the south side of the river, between a party of volunteers and some Indians, and Private Cooly, of Wallan's company, was wounded in the thigh and hand. On the thirty-first Major Latshaw, with 150 men, moved to Buchanan's headquarters, at Big Meadows. They here found that Limpy and George had surrendered with their bands on May twenty-ninth, the day following their fight with the volunteers. They had reported to Buchanan that the woods up the river were full of "Bostons," and that they had never seen so many guns in their lives.
    On the fifth of June, a great many Indians having already surrendered, General Lamerick, finding that the enemy had all left the neighborhood of Fort Lamerick, assumed command of his forces in person and, moving down the river, encamped at Big Bend, where the regulars were lying. The next day a combined movement was made down the river by three companies of regulars and Captain Bledsoe's company of volunteers, and an Indian encampment was destroyed, some twenty or more natives being killed or drowned in endeavoring to escape. Two volunteers were wounded. The main body of the Indians were encamped on the river about fifteen miles below Big Bend, and it was General Lamerick's intention to attack them, but their cabins were found deserted when the attacking party arrived.
    Under date of May thirty-first, Governor Curry made proclamation that as the Indians seemed pretty well subdued, the volunteers in the field were ordered to be disbanded, with the exception of Keith's and Blakely's companies, which under the command of a major should remain to protect such settlements as seemed in possible danger, and to perform other necessary duties. This order, issued somewhat prematurely, was disregarded by General Lamerick, and we find him in the field a month later, no doubt to the vast annoyance of the regular officers, who took to themselves the credit of concluding the war and severely blamed the volunteers for harsh treatment of such Indians as fell into their hands.
    The remaining acts of the citizen soldiery can be briefly told. Major Bruce headed an expedition down the coast to the country of the Chetco and Pistol River bands, and killed three males and took fifty prisoners. The Indians laid down their arms on being fired on, but some retreating to the brush, were ordered to come out, which they did. The chief of the Chetcos was brought in by Captain Bledsoe, who distinguished himself by his activity and bravery on many occasions. On June twenty-second, Major Latshaw, with Keith, Noland, and Blakely's companies, marched from the mouth of the river via Fort Lamerick to Camas Prairie and Deer Creek, and the troops going to Eugene City were there disbanded. General Lamerick, with Barnes' company, proceeded to Port Orford, with orders for this organization to be mustered out on July first. Captain Bledsoe, with his men, remained in service for a short time subsequently.
    On the twentieth of June Chief John sent five of his braves to Buchanan's headquarters to announce that their leader would surrender on the same terms as had Limpy, George and other chiefs, but he wished the whites to guarantee safety to Enos, who was an object of particular aversion to the volunteers. Enos, within a few weeks of the massacre, had joined forces with John, but had been deserted by the Coast Indians whose speedy surrender had alienated him from his former associates. In this strait he had found a friend in John, whose solicitude in his protege's behalf argues a strong vein of humanity in his character. Previously the chief had refused all overtures of peace, saying that war suited him sufficiently well, and that in spite of the desertion of all the other Indians he would remain in his beloved country and fight continually. But by the first of July all the known hostiles had surrendered save a few about Pistol River, and John's own band; and the latter were now deserted by a small number of Klamaths, who, loving fighting for its own sake, and doubtless attracted by the renown of the celebrated chief whose achievements had become known to the Indians throughout Oregon and Northern California, left their too-quiet home near the lakes, and came to learn the art of war under this savage leader. Deserted by these and sated with unequal combats, John surrendered to the regular army, an escort of 110 soldiers being sent out to accompany him and his little band of thirty-five to Port Orford.
    The objects of the war were now accomplished. The last band of hostile Indians had surrendered. On the temporary reservation at Port Orford were gathered about 1,300 Indians of various tribes, and including all the surviving members of the bands which had begun and carried on the war. All the chiefs of note were there; and not less than 300 warriors, the like of whom for bravery, perseverance and fighting powers have rarely been seen. Their career in arms was now effectually stopped; and it remained to remove them from a country where peace for them would be an impossibility. The coast reservation was fixed upon as their future abode--a tract seventy miles long, lying upon the coast of Oregon and extending from Cape Perpetua to Cape Lookout, and from the Pacific Ocean to the western watershed of the Willamette. By the first of September, 1856, 2,700 Indians had been removed there, including the Table Rock band under Chief Sam, who were taken there during the previous month of February, while the war was in progress. The Umpquas were removed there also, and were remarkable for their industry and obedience. The new home of the Indians was a well-watered country, hardly so fertile as that they had left, and much less pleasant. Fogs prevail and an enormous rainfall during the winter months makes the region gloomy and unpleasant. Nevertheless, nuts, roots, grasses, fish and game abound and furnished the savages a tolerable living throughout a portion of the year. Upon this extensive tract the tribes lived at peace with each other and the outside world, guarded from the contact of the whites by strong detachments of military, who held the available passes from the east. Fort Umpqua at the mouth of the river of that name, Fort Hoskins in King's Valley, Polk County, and another post still further north stood between them and civilization. At the more suitable localities in this large tract the Indians were located and in some cases began to assist in their own support, the government, in consideration of the surrender of their lands, contributing the remainder. Here Old Sam, chief of the Table Rock band, was located, and here he developed traits of commercial enterprise previously unsuspected; for he raised apples and onions and disposed of them to his less provident subjects for exorbitant prices. Enos, too, was there for a time, but his restless habits got him into difficulties and he made illicit expeditions to various parts of the state, and being detected therein was denounced by certain nervous people as a firebrand who was seeking to again spread the flames of war. There is a tradition in Curry County that Enos was hanged upon Battle Rock at Port Orford; but the Indian then executed was one of four Coquille Indians hanged for the murder of Venable and Burton. [Enos was hanged on Battle Rock.]
    John, the central figure of the war, after two years of inaction at the Yaquina, tried to instigate a revolt of the savages, with the object of seizing arms, overpowering the military, and escaping to their old hunting grounds. Being detected therein, John and his son Adam were placed in irons, and sent by the steamer Columbia to San Francisco, and confined in the military prison at Alcatraz. During the voyage the two warriors escaped from confinement, and attacking their guard attempted to take the ship. They were soon overpowered, but not before the younger savage lost a leg, which was severed by a blow with a butcher's cleaver. They were turned over to the authorities at Fort Point, in San Francisco Bay, and after a somewhat prolonged residence as prisoners of war, were pardoned on promises of leading peaceful lives in future, and were returned to Oregon. At a later date Adam was in the Klamath Lake country, where he became a chief. The termination of his father's career is not distinctly made out.
    In 1857 an accurate census of the Indians upon the reserve proved them to number 2,049 souls, in fourteen different bands. In 1869 there were half as many, still keeping up tribal relations. In 1866 the greater part of the reservation was taken away from them, and laid open to settlement by whites, and the comparatively few survivors are confined within the narrow limits of what is called the Siletz Reservation, which is a small portion of the former extensive tract. Grande Ronde is another designation for the same reserve. [Grand Ronde and Siletz are different reservations.]
    Subsequent to the removal of the Indians some occurrences took place in Southern Oregon which properly belong to the subject of the Indian wars, because brought about by the few Indians who chose to remain in their old home and brave the anger of their white enemies rather than accompany the rest of their tribe into exile. In the southern part of Curry County there remained a few Indians, and in the southern part of Douglas County, more particularly in the vicinity of Cow Creek, another small band were in hiding. On the Illinois River a few were also known to live, the miserable and lonely relics of Limpy's once-powerful band. These latter, impelled, doubtless, by hunger, committed a few robberies during the month of July, 1856, and made an attempt on the life of one Thompson, but were driven off. The scene of their depredations was chiefly on Sucker and Althouse creeks. On the road between Camas Prairie and the Big Meadows the dead bodies of two white men were found about the same time, whose evident murder was laid to Indians. About the middle of August some few Indians, supposed to be Cow Creeks, signalized themselves by several attacks on citizens in the southern part of Douglas County. Moffitt, a citizen, was pursued by a half-dozen of the band, but escaped. On August fourteenth James Russell and James Weaver, while riding along the road between Canyonville and Deer Creek, were shot at and the former severely wounded. Both escaped. The same band, after burning two houses, attacked and wounded another man near Burnett's place. Citizen Klink, of Douglas County, was fired at by Indians while plowing in his field. He ran to his house, shot through both arms. The assailants soon retired, but Major Cranmer, at the head of a volunteer company, arrested six of them a day or two subsequently. It was estimated that 100 Indians were still residing on Cow Creek in August.
    On the sixth of the previous month a packer lost his life at the hands of hostile Indians on the Siskiyou Mountains. A pack train was waylaid by Indians while coming from Yreka to Jacksonville, and one Fogle was shot through the breast and soon died. These repeated casualties show conclusively that the state of affairs that existed immediately after the deportation of the tribes was of a most unquiet character; but society was not long subject to these disturbing causes. By the early part of the following year these difficulties had ceased and quietness reigned. Thus closed the Indian wars in Southern Oregon.
    The financial history of the Indian wars of the early years presents considerable of importance to interest the reader. It has been mentioned that the demands of the war of 1853 were paid in full two years later, through the action of General Lane and others. The accounts growing out of the Walker expedition "to fight the emigrants," as some facetious ones have termed it, were paid subsequent to the War of the Rebellion. The act of Congress which authorized their payment, was based upon a previous act approved July 17, 1854, entitled "An act to authorize the Secretary of War to settle and adjust the expenses of the Rogue River war (of 1853)," which was extended to cover the case of Captain Walker's company. The claims growing out of the last Indian war achieved quite a history. In the summer of 1856 the matter of these claims was brought before Congress by the Oregon delegate, General Lane, and being referred to the committee on military affairs, a recommendation was made by that committee favorable to the payment of the expenses of the wars in Oregon and Washington, the two sets of claims--arising from the Rogue River and the Yakima wars--becoming mingled in all congressional and official reports. In consequence of this recommendation Congress, on the eighteenth of August, passed an act, one of whose provisions is: "Be it enacted, That the Secretary of War be directed to examine into the amount of expenses necessarily incurred in the suppression of hostilities in the late Indian war in Oregon and Washington by the territorial governments in the maintenance of the volunteer forces engaged, including pay of volunteers, and he may if he deem it necessary, direct a commission of three to report these expenses to him," etc. In consequence a commission consisting of Captain Andrew J. Smith, previously many times mentioned in the account of the wars; Captain Rufus Ingalls, now a high official in the paymaster's department, U.S.A.; and Lafayette Grover, of Salem, Or., was appointed to make the examination as aforesaid. They began work in October, 1856, and after spending more than a year in a careful investigation of these claims, "traveling over the whole field of operations occupied by the volunteers during hostilities, and becoming thoroughly conversant with the matter," made their report to the Secretary of War. According to their examination the sum of $4,449,949.33 was due as the expenses on the part of Oregon. The muster rolls of companies represented an indebtedness, after deducting stoppages for clothing, etc., of $1,409,644.53; while scrip had been issued to the extent of $3,040,344.80 in payment of supplies, etc., furnished. This aggregate was exclusive of claims for spoliation by Indians, and included only what were thought to be the legitimate expenses of maintaining the volunteer force in the field. The report and accompanying documents were transmitted to Congress, and on the eighth of February, 1859, a resolution passed the House of Representatives providing that it should be the duty of the third auditor of the treasury to examine the vouchers and papers connected with the subject, and make a report in the December following, of the amount due each individual engaged in the military service of the two territories during the war. The resolution also provided that he should allow the volunteers no higher pay than was received by the officers and soldiers of like grade in the regular army, including the extra pay of two dollars per month conferred by act of Congress of 1852 on troops serving on the Pacific Coast; that he was to recognize no company or individual as entitled to pay except such as had been duly called into service by the territorial authorities; that in auditing claims for supplies, transportation, etc., he was directed to have a due regard to the number of troops, to their period of service and to the prices which were current at the time and place.
    On February 7, 1860, R. J. Atkinson, third auditor, made his report. It was an exhaustive and voluminous document, and it reduced the grand total of the claims of various sorts, acted on by the three commissioners, from $6,011,457.36 to $2,714,808.55, a reduction of about fifty-five percent. This estimate was taken as a basis for these claims, and by a subsequent act of Congress a sum of money to correspond was appropriated to pay them, the greater portion of which has been disbursed.

    Roll of the Second Regiment Oregon Mounted Volunteers, December 7, 1855 to March 18, 1856:
    Colonel, R. L. Williams; Lieutenant Colonel, William J. Martin; Major, James Bruce; Adjutant, Charles S. Drew; Regimental Quartermaster, Jacob S. Rinearson; Commissary, Terrill A. Jackson; First Lieutenants attached to staff, Riley E. Stratton, Edgar B. Stone, Andrew J. Kane, Walter S. Hotchkiss; Sergeant Major, Daniel P. Barnes.
    Roll of field and staff of the Second Regiment on the nineteenth of March, 1856:
    Colonel, John Kelsey; Lieutenant Colonel, William W. Chapman; Major, James Bruce; Major First Recruiting Battalion, William H. Latshaw; Major Second Recruiting Battalion, E. L. Massey; Adjutant, Sandford R. Myres; Adjutant Right Column, J. M. Cranmer; Adjutant Recruiting Battalion, Lyman B. Munson; Regimental Quartermasters, John B. White, Joseph L. White; Commissary, Terrill B. Jackson; Sergeant Major, Byron M. Dawes; Farrier, William Horseley.
    Company A.--Mustered October 23, 1855; discharged February 6, 1856--Captain, Joseph Bailey; First Lieutenant, D. W. Keith; Second Lieutenant, Cyrenius Mulkey; Sergeants, T. J. Holland, W. A. Owen, R. Hayes, Jonathan Riggs; Corporals, Chas. McClure, James Woodey, A. Crissman, John Wilson; Privates, T. J. Aubrey, M. C. Aubrey, J. C. Anderson, J. Buffington, G. Bogart, C. Bogart, O. H. P. Beagle, J. H. Beagle, W. L. Baskett, M. Belcher, J. M. Brewer, A. Benton, Wm. Cox, F. Cogswell, W. Dougherty, G. B. Day, J. J. Davison, W. B. Earnest, I. Early, M. Ferguson, J. W. Funk, J. M. Gale, J. Gillespie, J. L. Gardner, G. B. Hayes, L. C. Hawley, J. Henderson, D. C. Howard, W. Howard, E. Hills, Wm. Hunt, H. Holmes, J. January, A. A. King, W. Kirkpatrick, A. W. Laughlin, J. Lapham, Z. S. McCall, J. F. Mulkey, J. Mulkey, R. H. McGinnis, H. B. McPherson, J. W. McMinn, S. H. McBee, J. S. Miller, A. A. Morgan, L. Morgan, C. J. Matlock, R. M. Masterson, A. Murray, H. Milbourn, J. McCall, G. Ozmond, John Pankey, W. W. Patterson, L. B. Roland, W. L. Rogers, L. S. Rogers, R. Rush, J. W. Richardson, Benj. Stanton, J. C. Summer, Jos. Siden, H. A. Stevens, M. Taylor, S. Taylor, G. W. Tucker, D. Taylor, Robert Wilson, C. P. Wilson, J. M. Wallan, W. M. Watson, John Watson, C. W. Wild.
    COMPANY D.--Mustered November 10, 1855; discharged May 15, 1856--Captain, E. A. Rice; First Lieutenant, John S. Miller; Second Lieutenant, J. F. Anderson; Sergeants, Ebenezer Pinkham, John Hailey; Corporals, G. W. Collins, James Dickey, John McBride; Privates, Ira W. Barbee, Charles Barnes, Joseph Craine, John Crosby, William Cogle, J. M. Cramer, J. J. Charlton, Lewis Calhoun, Nicholas Cook, Oscar Duskins, William M. Elliott, W. M. Griffin, B. B. Griffin, J. F. Griffin, C. C. Goodwin, Alvan Heading, Isaac C. Hill, F. M. Huddleston, J. T. Hamilton, David N. Herren, Edward James, Jacob Long, Tobias Lytle, Nathan Milton, Tobias Mosey, A. J. Mattoon, George Morris, Chauncey Nye, S. Pearse, Asher T. Prouty, Nathaniel Rice, Wm. C. Riggs, William J. Robinson, Jacob B. Rinehart, Isaac Swinden, G. Stopper, Peter Sailing, Samuel Smith, Bushford Stanton, Noah Sagers, Jacob Thompson, D. W. Vanmarter, John W. Wood, Miles Wakeman, Robison Wright, William Yerke.
    COMPANY E.--Mustered at Fort Vannoy, November 10, 1855, discharged February 1. 1856--Captain, Robert L. Williams (elected Colonel, December 7); First Lieutenant, Hugh O'Neal (became Captain, January 5, 1856); Second Lieutenant, Michael Bushey; Sergeants, George A. Eades, William J. Matthews, Grenville Blake, Richard Moore; Corporals, R. C. Brewer, Amasa Morse, John Lee, Samuel Cornelius; Privates, John Axtell, B. Antoine, Charles Abraham, Benjamin Armstrong, James Black, L. Bozarth, W. E. Bozarth, M. Baughman, Daniel Briggs, B. B. Brockway, Christian Bellifelt, Joshua Barker, Michael Bone, William Barton, J. H. Barnes, Elzey Bird, H. R. Covert, John Chesney, Nicholas Comser, James Curtain, Abraham Cole, Wm. Clements, Samuel Christalier, Ichabod Dodsen, Andrew J. Duskill, John C. S. Davis, Joseph Dickerson, George Dinsmore, James Duydate, J. P. Davidson, Thomas DeHaven, H. H. Epps, George R. Elliott, Michael Emerich, Harry Evens, Alexander Fuller, William Finch, A. W. Forgey, J. L. Frye, S. A. Frye, Thomas Gill, Robert Gammill, Ray Giddes, J. C. Graves, John Gould, J. W. Galbraith, Jefferson Howell, Green Holton, John R. Hale, Samuel Hawkins, Henry Hempster, William Heverlo, John B. Hutton, Peter Harrison, P. H. Harper, William Hyde, James Hornbuckle, I. S. Inman, H. S. Jones, John Jones, John Johnson, John Johnston, H. F. Johnston, Chas. Kimball, James Kelly, G. W. Keeler, T. R. Lawson, John Miller, Voorhe Mullan, Jacob Miller, Thomas Mastin, S. K. Myers, N. H. Martin, P. J. Mann, Thos. E. McKoin, John Meter, S. D. Northcutt, W. W. Northcutt, Francis Pierson, John Parder, Samuel Parks, W. N. Pollock, David Phillips, Thomas Ryan, N. Ramsey, J. M. Roberts, Daniel Richardson, A. M. Rainey, L. Scoller, W. Stamnes, H. W. Stainton, Jno. Slater, Jacob Schermerhom, Seth Smith, D. H. Sexton, P. Snellback, Jno. Sargent, Wm. Smith, S. B. Sarles, Ed. Smith, Wm. Torrey, Jas. Thompson, A. J. Vincent, Z. Van Norman, George Weeks, J. C. Ward, James Wilson, C. Walker, H. Wilson, O. Whitsell, J. J. Whitsell, Charles Ward, Alex. Watts, J. J. Writter, N. J. Walker, Jas. Woolen, Anderson Williams, D. M. Yates.
    COMPANY F.--Mustered November 10, 1855; discharged, February 10, 1856--Captain, William A. Wilkinson; First Lieutenant, C. F. Blake; Second Lieutenant, M. F. Wakeman; Sergeants, E. Hewitt, A. M. Shauntz, S. Fox, Robert Cochran; Corporals, James Stephens, William Gray, Lewis Miller, Hiram Wade; Privates, William Allen, B. W. Alkin, John D. Alkire, William Arnett, Abraham Bowman, William Bradley, James Brown, Stephen Betts, Arthur Coffin, Alfred Carter, J. H. Cochran, J. F. Chaffe, N. Campbell, G. C. Clay, Henry Cylinski, Emory Dalton, Theodore Deppe, W. H. Davidson, Patrick Daily, W. W. Edmonson, William Ellsworth, W. L. Freeman, Ransom Freeman, J. Farrout, Joseph Fitzen, J. W. Gaveny, Charles Griffith, O. Guilbert, Francis Graves, Edwin L. Hesse, Simon N. Harvey, F. V. Henderson, Thomas Huffman, John Harris, Henry Hawes, Thomas Hays, John Holloway, William Hobbes, J. B. Hunt, John Keller, David Kelsey, A. J. Long, J. W. Liles, G. F. Ledford, G. Mathews, J. W. May, T. H. Mitchell, James McCrate, B. F. Moore, Elias D. Mercer, Eli Martin, Michael Mowan, J. R. Meacham, E. F. Newland, James Ogg, Andrew Oldsen, John Osborn, William Purvis, W. W. Parrish, Albion Powell, John Ragsdale, George Reed, Andrew Russel, Jonathan Smith, Isaac Sneltser, John Stanley, J. E. Stephens, James J. Sanders, John B. White, J. W. White, Joseph Ward, D. W. Wallace, William Worden.
    COMPANY F.--Reenlisted February 11, 1856; discharged May 26, 1856--Captain, W. A. Wilkinson; First Lieutenant, C. F. Blake; Second Lieutenant, Edwin L. Hesse; Sergeants, J. H. Cochran, A. J. Long, T. W. Mitchell, Robert Cochran; Corporals, T. W. Siles, J. F. M. Hash, S. N. Harvey, John D. Alkire; Privates,William Arnett, A. Bowman, James Brown, William Bradley, Arthur Coffin, Henry Cylinski, William Casterline, Alfred Carter, W. H. Davidson, Patrick Daily, Emory Dalton, Theodore Deppe, W. W. Edmonson, B. F. Endersby, Joseph Fitzen, J. W. Gaveny, Francis Graves, William Hobbes, John Harris, S. M. Hall, Seth Hall, Daniel S. Hicks, James B. Hunt, David Johnston, David Kelsey, W. C. Miller, Greenville Mathews, James McCrate, Michael Moran, Andrew McClure, B. F. Moore, F. N. McKee, E. D. Mercer, J. W. May, T. R. Miller, B. F. Newlin, Oscar Nott.
    COMPANY G.--Mustered February 6, 1856; discharged May 28, 1856--Captain, Miles F. Alcorn; First Lieutenant, James M. Matney; Second Lieutenant, John Osborn; Sergeant, Silas J. Day (elected first lieutenant April 8); Privates, Robert Alcorn, Joseph M. Addington, Squire Butcher, George Black, George Brown, John W. Buckles, William Blane, William Brockus, Chester Badger, Zachariah Butts, Ariel E. Chapin, Andrew J. Cooper, John R. Cooper, Peter Cook, George W. Cherry, Edward W. Day, Henry Gordon, Moses Hopwood, Miller Judd, Eli Judd, Allen Jones, Ceyren Knudsen, William H. Lane, William Lane, John N. Lewis, John Lee, David McClements, B. F. McKeen, John Morton, George Parks, Thomas C. Rowell, Samuel Reeder, Peter R. Sanderson, Jesse H. Stanley, J. D. Spears, Woods T. Tucker, John "Wineland, James Woods, Thomas T. Walker.
    COMPANY H.--Mustered at Roseburg, November 25, 1855; discharged February 16, 1856--Captain, Samuel Gordon; First Lieutenant, Samuel B. Hadley; Second Lieutenant, Theodore Prater; Sergeants, James B. Patton, Joseph Embree, Samuel I. Bunton, John Partz; Corporals, Samuel H. Mastin, S. B. Greenland, Elijah Bunton, Jr., William A. Wallace; Privates, E. P. Anderson, Thomas Anderson, William M. Abbott, E. Barker, John Byron, William Briggs, I. M. Barker, Levi Bird, J. N. W. Beliew, Hugh Carson, H. M. Colon, John C. Cannon, E. Cupsin, William Cochran, Garrett Crockett, Richard Duvall, John Dodson, John W. Dixon, M. S. Daily, William Doty, William P. Day, George W. Day, R. H. Estell, Hiram Everman, A. A. Engels, W. M. Eaton, George Finch, I. W. Farleigh, James Fordyce, I. K. Ford, John Fitzhugh, Levi Gibbs, Robert G. Hadley, Wm. Ireland, C. W. Johnson, John Leicer, David Lilly, Robert J. Long, George Lawrence, Henry A. Livingstone, A. McElwain, W. J. Moore, Edwin Morgan, N. Mitchell, C. J. McClelland, J. B. Nichols, David O'Neil, V. Oden, James M. Pyles, John Price, L. D. Phillips, Richard Patrum, Robert Painter, Jr., Jesse Pool, F. M. Purley, I. Rapplye, Wm. Russell, Wm. H. Riddle, Eli. B. Robinson, C. B. Rawson, Alexander Reed, W. D. Singleton, James R. Scott, Hawkins Shelton, Edward Sheffield, Thomas Saum, Richard Shelton, N. I. Sexton, William Silvers, I. W. Thororelf, A. S. Thompson, W. N. West, G. W. Williams, Mathias Williams, I. P. Willson, F. M. Wright, James R. Wade, William Wilson, William Weekley.
    COMPANY I.--Mustered at Roseburg, November 22, 1855; discharged January 18, 1856--Captain, W. W. Chapman (became lieutenant colonel of second regiment); First Lieutenant, Z. Dimmick; Second Lieutenant, James M. Morrill; Sergeants, Lyman S. Kellogg, William Wells, Abijah Ives, Thomas Cozad; Corporals, William A. Allen, Abraham C. Langdon, Johnson B. Gough, Joseph S. Reid; Privates, Simon H. Allensworth, George H. Burgess, R. Butler, Edward Breen,William Barr, Clayton F. Bramlet, Benjamin Brattain, John Burrington, C. A. Bartrutt, Henry Casey, Thomas Chapman, James F. Cooper, G. J. Chapman, Daniel Craft, Alexander Canautt, William Canautt, William Davis, R. D. Dimmick, Solomon Ensley, A. P. Frayer, John Frayer, James Farmer, James Fraim, J. Crosby Fitzgerald, David W. Frarey, Levi Gant, James L. Garrett, Edward Griffin, William Golden, Francis Geiger, Addison C. Gibbs, Calvin B. Green, George Greenwald, Charles G. Hinderer, William Hubbard, A. T. Howard, William W. Haynes, Clark Hudson, Ira M. Hanna, Joseph Hudson, William Hilbert, William Hathaway, R. M. Hutchinson, Peter Johnson, George Kuntz, Levi Kent, James F. Levens, Z. Levens, J. A. Landes, Thomas Levens, Ansel Langdon, James McKinney, John Marshall, William McKearns, James McDonald, James McGranery, John Nicholson, W. R. Patterson, George Paine, Benton H. Pyburn, Samuel Rich, William Robertson, Thomas Stuttered, George W. Snyder, Andrew Sawyer, James F. Savery, S. R. Slayton, Jackson Swearingen, John Sawyer, S. E. Smith, M. R. Sharpe, Madison Scoby, Edward Spicer, Daniel Test, Henry Thornton, D. C. Underwood, Ansel Weatherby, L. L. Williams, H. H. Woodward, John P. Wiggins.
    COMPANY I.--Reenlisted January 18, 1856; discharged May 14, 1856--Captain, W. W. Chapman; First Lieutenant, S. S. Kellogg; Second Lieutenant, Ansel Weatherby; Sergeants, Henry Thornton, Henry W. Woodward, William Robertson, W. F. Clingan; Corporals, Benton H. Pyburn, Jacob Pittman, Abel J. Howard, William McKearns; Privates, W. A. Allen, Eli Allen, B. Brattain, William Brainard, W. F. Bay, James G. Chapman, Thomas Chapman, W. W. Chapman, Jr., W. H. Crouch, William Canauld, William F. Clingan, William Cummins, W. H. Chapline, T. Dayon, J. W. Gordon, J. B. Goff, William Hilbert, M. B. Holmbs, James Hilburn, J. A. Landes, J. J. Mitchell, William Patterson, John H. Pope, Evans Smith, William Smith, Thomas Stoddard, Milo Taylor, William Theil, James Terrell, S. S. Williams.
    COMPANY A.--(First recruiting battalion.)--Mustered at Roseburg, February 8, 1856; discharged May 20, 1856--Captain Edward Sheffield; First Lieutenant, S. S. J. Bunten; Second Lieutenant, E. Capron; Sergeants, S. H. Mastin, John Farleigh, R. G. Hadley, J. G. Belieu; Corporals, John Noah, N. Farris, Thos. Paul, W. R. Robinson; Privates, E. P. Anderson, D. Anderson, A. H. Brown, S. Belieu, James Bean, L. Bird, J. M. Baker, J. V. Bradley, H. Clifton, J. Cobble, G. Cox, Jesse Davenport, W. Dooley, F. M. Ellsworth, J. C. Fitzgerald, B. F. Frewel, D. M. Gilman, James Harris, S. Livingston, J. Livingston, J. D. B. Lee, Peter McKinney, J. M. McKinney, M. C. McCloud, L. M. McCray, W. McKnight, J. McKinney, P. G. Masters, S. M. Masters, E. McElwain, John Pierce, E. Painter, H. Ridenham, James Stewart, W. Silver, John Siwash, John Spence, A. Thompson, A. H. Woodruff.
    COMPANY B.--(First recruiting battalion)--Mustered in February 18, 1856; discharged June 18, 1856--Captain, Abel George; First Lieutenant, William H. Chapline; Second Lieutenant, G. C. Vanlandingham; Sergeants, Byron N. Dalbes, Ezra Smith, F. D. Chapline, A. J. Doty; Corporals, Columbus White, William Dennis, John Mitchell, Willson W. Sharp; Privates, Jesse Adams, George W. Blackwell, A. B. Buttolph, Isaac Carson, Stanford Capps, Jacob Colclasure, F. G. Collins, A. E. Colwell, John Chandler, George W. Cups, Robert Davis, Peter DeMoss, William Ellsworth, John Evens, J. H. Fanning, J. A. Freeman, S. A. Harding, Thomas Hays, George S. Hays, C. H. Horn, R. Jackson, John Jones, Henry Kennedy, Thomas Latham, Donna Lascreaux, Ormsby McKean, Peter Meeds, John McCartney, S. McMillen, H. D. Mount, Thomas Patten, M. S. Peden, F. Quabey, Lawson T. Reid, F. M. Rhodes, J. F. Richardson, George Robinson, Frances Sackett, Frederick Saddler, William Shanks, Richard Smith, A. J. Tomas, George S. Thompson, George W. Thurmon, William Watts, J. Woodward, Willson C. Wilcox, A. Wyland.
    COMPANY C.--(First recruiting battalion)--Mustered in February 19, 1856; discharged May 21, 1856--Captain, Michael Bushey; First Lieutenant, Samuel C. Nicholson; Second Lieutenant, Henry B. Conroy; Sergeant, Aaron R. Deadwood; Privates, J. G. Adams, J. M. Anderson, Henry J. Ammons, David Brenan, Erben E. Bozarth, Tomas Bozarth, Atchinson Blackwood, E. B. Ball, J. C. Cox, John H. Colclasure, Samuel Christelier, Sewyel Cox, George C. Clay, Peter Cook, Robert Davis, George Densmore, Jasper A. Daniels, Edward H. Day, Alfred H. Fisher, Henry Gordon, David M. Groom, Henry Green, Dempsey Hamilton, Henry Jones, William Lane, Adam Linn, Jacob Miller, William McGloughlin, William McMahon, Guilbert Parker, James M. Pyle, C. B. Roland, Wently Roop, James Strong, Seth Smith, Peter O. Smith, William J. Tracy, W. G. Winningham, Anderson Williams, A. I. Watts, T. G. Winningham, George Wood, T. D. Wright.
    COMPANY D.--(First recruiting battalion.)--Mustered February 27, at Camp Stuart; discharged May 26, 1856--Captain M. M. Williams; First Lieutenant, J. A. Carter; Second Lieutenant, George B. Curry; Sergeants, Joseph Tracy, A. D. Lake, Merritt Bellinger, Abner Miner; Corporals, S. J. Southerland, Samuel Clayton, W. M. Little, Denis Crawley; Privates, Charles Anderson, J. K. Applegate, John Albon, B. L. Battey, W. F. Burns, J. B. Burns, D. P. Brittain, Thos. J. Bayless, E. Blodget, J. B. Braman, W. Churchill, John Churchill, T. M. Cameron, P. W. Cook, J. Dickens, H. Dixon, J. P. Delk, G. R. Enos, B. F. Elliott, S. Eager, E. Frost, H. B. Fowler, R. R. Gates, Alex. Harris, A. C. Harrison, J. Johnson, W. Lampson, J. R. Little, C. Linksweiler, T. Lamberson, L. Little, A. Lee, J. J. Murphy, S. Mooney, Ira Moody, M. McLane, R. S. McMullin, A. C. Nelson, W. Newcomb, E. B. Poland, W. F. Pearman, F. Pierson, F. M. Rhoades, J. Rhoades, Alex. Rainey, W. M. Southerland, A. W. Stingent, M. G. Sellers, G. S. Smith, W. A. Stinger, Alex. Thompson, E. Taber, James Terrell, D. Tryon, S. M. Wait, Moses Warner.
    COMPANY A.--(Second recruiting battalion)--Mustered February 13, 1856; discharged June 19, 1856--Captain, Wm. H. Latshaw (promoted to Major March 19); First Lieutenant, J. M. Wallan (became Captain March 19); Second Lieutenant, Charles W. McClure; Sergeants, J. L. White, John Duvall, John Wilson, Dennis Prickett; Corporals, David Wilson, William Cox, F. M. Mansfield, J. C. Templeton; Privates, W. Allen, R. C. Breeding, E. H. Baber, R. D. Cotton, Wm. Crow, Benjamin Cox, D. B. Cooley, John Collins, J. F. Duniway, John Dodson, M. Emrick, J. W. Funk, J. Galbraith, J. R. Gist, J. R. Hays, G. W. Howard, H. P. Holmes, A. Haney, W. R. Jones, Jonathan Keeney, Jas. Lapham, A. S. McClure, Robt. Matheny, J. H. McCord, A. J. McClure, John Miller, John McCall, James Petrie, William Privitt, D. H. Putnam, W. H. Peck, Mahlon Petrie, M. C. Pettyjohn, R. S. Shook, Conrad Stuygle, W. W. Shortridge, J. P. Taylor, C. W. Tedrow, J. B. Thompson, William Wilson.
    COMPANY B.--(Second recruiting battalion)--Mustered February 18, 1856; discharged June 21, 1856--Captain, John Kelsey (promoted to Colonel; succeeded by W. J. Robertson); First Lieutenant, J. L. Combs; Second Lieutenant, Comedon S. Lum; Sergeants, J. W. Chisholm, Thomas Clemmins, M. Adams, W. C. Jasper; Corporals, James S. Phillips, Morgan Lillard, William Ownsby, A. F. Ragsdale; Privates, W. H. Anderson, John F. Baird, Carroll Baird, Robert S. Barclay, Robert Bolan, C. P. Blair, John T. Craigg, James Casner, J. M. Creswell, H. M. Childers, Reuben Fields, W. R. Fountain, Nicholas Feldwert, T. J. Goe, Ulysses Garred, G. W. Goodman, A. J. Hayden, G. W. Hayden, Richard B. Hays, Martin Humber, T. D. Hinton, J. B. Henderson, William Hiester, J. M. James, John C. Lloyd, William Lambden, Thomas McBee, J. K. McCormack, F. M. Mathews, E. Marple, James McCallister, W. A. Mulvaney, Newton Mulvaney, L. W. Mulvaney, John McCullock, John Marshall, S. McConnell, Thomas Mulkey, David Nesley, Edward Neely, Powell Ownsley, Cyrus Powers, Thomas Pyburn, A. Richardson, Hiram Richardson, J. M. Richardson, S. V. Robinson, J. A. Robinson, R. H. Randall, Joseph Slover, James Spears, M. A. Starr, S. E. Starr, S. C. Shannan, William Stringer, William Splan, William Stein, Benjamin Trimble, Robert G. Thompson, J. A. Thompson, P. C. Thompson, William S. Turnlow, Evan Taylor.
    COMPANY C.--(Second recruiting battalion).--Mustered in March 29, at Eugene City; discharged July 3, 1856--Captain, D. W. Keith; First Lieutenant, L. C. Hawley; Second Lieutenant, Jesse Cox; Sergeants, H. C. Huston, J. E. Kirkland, James Siden, George Morris; Corporals, G. H. Baker, John Robinson, Jesse B. Sitton, S. Gardner; Privates, William Allen, J. H. Alexander, T. N. Baker, O. Baird, J. T. Bowden, J. M. Brown, J. M. Brower, J. Bonser, O. Bates, H. A. Coston, A. J. Conard, D. S. Davis, M. Eccleston, J. M. Gale, J. N. Gale, J. C. Gray, Aaron Gardner, W. P. Gardner, J. A. Hays, E. Hammett, J. Hendricks, Adam Herbert, P. Higinbotham, Thomas Harson, Robert Harson, William Hyde, John Hutchins, A. A. King, A. J. Kirkland, John Jones, B. C. McAtee, Samuel Matheny, J. McClarnie, L. B. Munson, S. B. Mathers, Josiah McBee, S. H. McBee, E. L. Masssey, George W. Miller, B. F. Mounts, Thurston Pettyjohn, J. Robinson, M. Robinson, J. B. Riley, C. F. Robberson, W. L. Rogers, M. Smith, W. P. Skinner, C. C. Smith, T. B. Southworth, J. N. Sharpe, John Skeen, John Taylor, William Taylor, John Taylor, John Warner, Benjamin Zumwalt.
    PRATHER'S SPY COMPANY.--Mustered at Deer Creek, March 6, 1856; discharged May 15, 1856--Captain, Thomas Prather; First Lieutenant, Henry Shrum; Second Lieutenant, John Price; Sergeant, Edwin Morgan; Corporal, T. J. Singleton; Privates, Thomas Anderson, S. Blakeley, Andy Chapman, Joseph Embree, William Eaton, H. Everman, George Finch, J. Fordyce, J. French, I. J. Hinkle, L. Hale, H. Hoskins, G. Lawrence, R. Long, C. C. McClendon, J. S. Noland, M. Noland, V. Oden, A. V. Oden, M. Pervely, J. Simmons, H. Smith, P. VanSlyke, E. F. Whistler, James Watson, Daniel Walker, Enoch Wimberly, Robert Willis.
    GUESS' MINUTE COMPANY.--Mustered at Fort Hay, Illinois Valley, May 1, 1856; discharged June 20, 1856--Captain, John Guess; First Lieutenant, Asher Moore; Second Lieutenant, Stephen Coleman; Sergeants, B. Kincheloe, W. J. Cross, W. S. Gibbs, John McCord; Corporals, Peter McClinchy, F. Sebastian, E. S. Fite, Alfred Douthitt, Thomas Arnett, Edward Evans, F. H. Freeman, A. J. Henderson, C. R. Hanaford, James Hope, John Heron, Charles Hook, J. A. M. Harned, J. Hamilton, U. C. Knight, B. Newman, W. Patterson, N. Pennaman, D. Post, J. D. Post, H. A. Plummer, W. Plummer, E. Mulkey, J. Miller, Charles Martin, J. Mendenhall, S. Mooney, P. Mulkey, John McDowd, J. Kirby, J. R. Reves, Lenoir Reves, G. L. Reed, W. Ross, M. Rothchild, Harvey Shaw, George Sing, E. Z. Taner, A. P. Turner, F. M. Vliet, G. M. White, J. G. Wood.
    LOOKINGGLASS GUARDS.--Organized April 12, 1856--Captain, Daniel Williams; First Lieutenant, William K. Stark; Second Lieutenant, William Cochran; Privates, James M. Arrington, Samuel W. K. Applegate, Willis Alden, John P. Boyer, Levi Ballard, William Cochran, Roland Flournoy, Jr., Jones Flournoy, Samuel S. Halpain, John H. Hartin, Nathaniel Huntley, Joseph Huntley, Daniel Huntley, Alexander M. Johnson, Frederick Mitchell, Hilary A. Mitchell, Franklin Mitchell, Edmund F. McNall, Ambrose Newton, Abbot L. Todd, Franklin White, George W. Williams, Jefferson Williams, Milton W. Williams, Peter W. Williams.
    GOLD BEACH GUARDS.--Mustered March 13, 1856; discharged ------ --, 1856--Captain, Elisha H. Meservey; First Lieutenant, Joseph McVey; Second Lieutenant, Joseph Griffith; Privates, W. Allen Thomas Baker, Frank Bugy, Joseph Cruse, C. Claser, D. R. S. Daley, J. L. Garrett, E. A. Lane, Simon Lundy, S. Monte, John O'Regan, August Richards, J. W. Sykes, W. Smith, John Thomas, J. K. Vincent, O. W. Weam, Fred Weller, John Wilson.
    ROLL OF THE NINTH REGIMENT, OREGON MILITIA.--Colonel, John E. Ross; Lieutenant Colonel, ------ Major, ------; Adjutant, Charles S. Drew.
    COMPANY A.--Mustered October 10, 1855; discharged November 26, 1855--Captain, T. S. Harris; First Lieutenant, A. M. Berry; Second Lieutenant, G. W. Manvill; Sergeants, J. M. Sutton, J. L. Ware, John Shooman, Thomas Hall; Corporals, W. C. Butler, O. F. Sanford, William Ornduff, O. P. Brumby; Privates, L. F. Allen, R. S. Allen, Charles Armstrong, B. Burruss, James Bourke, A. Bethel, M. C. Barkwell, A. A. Buzzell, J. B. Coats, J. H. Deadmond, William Daflin, William Dorn, J. R. Enos, A. C. Funkhouser, Louis Furgason, John Gunn, John Goldsby, Thomas Gill, C. B. Hinton, William Hamilton, William Hay, B. G. Henry, D. W. Helm, A. Helms, William Hand, John Johnson, J. M. Johns, Charles F. Kroft, Charles Kimball, L. G. Linvill, Eli Ledford, J. B. Little, F. F. Loche, W. I. Mayfield, A. J. Nalin, G. S. Nichols, Robert Opp, Thomas Ord, William Pernell, J. A. Pedigo, Benjamin Person, William Pennington, S. Rathburn, J. M. Raburn, W. C. Riggs, William Smith, S. B. Sorles, Peter Saling, Samuel Smith, William White, John Winingham, Martin Wingood, E. Yager.
    COMPANY C.--Mustered October 10, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855--Captain, Jacob S. Rinearson; First Lieutenant, William P. Wing; Second Lieutenant, U. L. Woodford; Sergeants, Thomas R. Evens, Daniel Boone, Elisha M. Reavis; Privates, James A. Abbott, John W. Buckles, George Brown, Isaac Bentley, Peter Brown, Rufus H. Bernan, John Billings, William Ballard, John Blankenship, E. C. Bray, John Casner, John Creighton, Wm. H. Crouch, Job Denning, Ichabod Dodson, James C. Dickey, F. Duniway, Tomas East, John Fortune, William Geiney, Clement S. Glasgow, R. W. Henry, A. G. Henry, David W. Inman, Charles Johnson, John Junker, William S. King, Martin C. Leslie, Robert Lang, James W. Lanber, William Lear, John G. Minot, Carick G. Minot, Enoch Miller, George B. Miller, Jacob W. Miller, John McCasy, Levi Notte, James Pearcy, John V. Pinkerton, Robert C. Percival, William B. Phillips, Jackson Reynolds, F. M. Roman, John Redfield, Samuel P. Strange, B. Sargent, Labin Saunders, Henry Smith, Charles B. Toothacher, Francis M. Tibbits, E. N. Thomas, Samuel Tillard, William F. Woodford, Henry Wisbrook, George Wood, John D. Wright, Ephram Yager, Henry Yocum.
    COMPANY D.--Mustered October 12, 1855; discharged November 9, 1855--Captain, R. L. Williams; First Lieutenant, E. B. Stone; Second Lieutenant, H. O'Neal; Sergeants, G. A. Edes, W. J. Mathews, G. Blake, R. Moore; Corporals, R. C. Brewer, A. Morse, J. Lee, S. Cornelius; Privates, B. Armstrong, M. C. Barkwell, H. H. Barrett, M. Baughman, B. B. Brockway, D. Briggs, J. Cristy, H. K. Covert, J. Cheney, N. Courier, J. Curtain, G. Delaney, A. J. Driskell, J. C. S. Davis, J. Dickerson, G. Dinsmore, J. Dugdale, J. P. Davidson, M. Emmerich, J. J. Elliotte, H. H. Epps, G. R. Elliott, A. Fuller, L. Felton, J. P. Frazelle, R. Gammill, R. Gaddis, J. C. Graves, L. Gates, J. Howell, G. Holten, J. R. Hale, S. Hawkins, J. B. Hutton, S. S. Inman, J. Jones, J. Kent, C. Lovel, V. Mullen, John Miller, T. Martin, S. R. Myres, S. Mooney, M. M. Melvin, T. E. McKoin, V. Neil, J. Parder, M. Parsley, W. B. Previtt, W. Pennington, J. Russel, T. Ryan, W. Showdy, L. Scoller, G. W. Sloan, W. Stannus, H. W. Stainton, J. Slates, J. Schermerhorn, W. Toney, J. C. Ward, J. Wilson, J. Winter, C. Walker, H. Wilson, J. Woolen, R. Woods, D. M. Yates.
    COMPANY E.--Mustered October 12, 1855; discharged ------, --. Captain, William B. Lewis; First Lieutenant, William A. J. Moore; Second Lieutenant, William White; Sergeants, John G. Adams, Alex. D. McJess, William Gibson; Privates, Israel D. Adams, George W. Bramlet, Milton Blacklidge, William P. Chesher, John Cooper, W. G. Crandall, J. Collins, John G. Butcher, Allen Evans, I. Elliott, Harvey Evans, John Erixson, John W. Gannaway, John Grosbois, Joseph McGahan, Josephus Hosier, Jacob Hershberger, Henry S. Jones, Joseph Umpqua, Louis Dunois, Timoleon Love, Edward Neely, James Neely, William Pruitt, J. W. Pickett, John Roberts, E. D. Smith, Adam Shough, Christolier Samuel, Samuel Sanders, Benjamin Tufts, J. L. Thompson, Evans Taylor, Thomas Wilson, J. E. White, George Weeks, Anderson Williams, W. R. Walker, A. S. Walker.
    COMPANY F.--Mustered October 13, 1855; discharged November 13, 1855--Captain, A. S. Welton; First Lieutenant, Angus Brown; Second Lieutenant, V. H. Davis; Sergeants, J. C. London, John Hultz, David Rathbun; Privates, George W. Anderson, M. D. Ballard, Wm. Barton, J. D. Bennett, S. Butcher, W. N. Ballard, Joseph Copeland, Joseph Carter, George Cherry, J. J. Charlton, C. A. Charlton, J. T. Farley, John Finnin, James Hawkins, J. H. Hasper, John Kennedy, Richard Kelly, Mellis Kelly, F. F. Locher, J. B. Layton, A. J. Long, Isaac Miller, N. N. Matlock, W. K. Minot, Edmund Magruder, J. B. Nichols, J. F. Noland, Henry Pearl, John Richards, George Ross, Clinton Schieffelin, E. Sharp, John Smith, James Stewart, David Thompson, Z. Van Orman, Thomas Warmon, Charles Williams, Stephen Watson.
    COMPANY G.--Mustered into service October 11, 1855; mustered out November 10, 1855--Captain, Miles F. Alcorn; First Lieutenant, James M. Matney; Second Lieutenant, John Osborn; Sergeants, S. J. Day, Thos. Bailey, Thos. Walker, Thos. McLain; Corporals, A. W. A. McConnell, Edwd. Cose, Saml. C. Nicholson, Jas. Tucker; Privates, Thomas L. Arnot, Levy Allison, Caleb Bailey, Washington Bailey, David Butterfield, Luzern Bradley, Squire Bucher, D. N. Birdseye, F. G. Birdseye, William Brockus, Newman Bartlett, George Black, Henry B. Conroy, Champion Collier, William Collier, Wiley Cash, J. K. Colwell, George W. Cherry, John Cose, Thomas Coates, Andrew J. Cooper, Peter Cook, Freeman Chandler, George E. Chapel, David Clemens, Granderson Curtis, James W. Collins, Edward W. Day, William Decker, James F. Davis, Allen Evans, Henry P. Gordon, Philip Griff, Owen Hopkins, Dempsey Hamilton, Simeon Hardin, O. D. Hoxie, Moses Hopwood, Miller Judd, Richard Jones, Isaac B. Kauffman, George Long, Jacob Lawellen, William Lane, Allen B. Moser, James Miller, David Mall, Constantine Magruder, Edmond Magruder, Benjamin McKeen, Simeon McFall, Tomas McBurney, William McClain, Daniel Newcomb, William T. Newcomb, Martin C. Newcomb, Ortegrel C. Newcomb, Felix O'Neal. William Patterson, James M. Patterson, W. B. Phillips, Calvin Paris, A. Jackson Rader, Samuel Reeder, David Ruminer, Joseph Swingle, Benjamin Snipes, James Savage, Clinton Schieffelin, P. R. Sanderson, Hiram Taylor, Isaac Vanderhorn, John Wineland.
    COMPANY J.--Mustered October 20, 1855; discharged November 16, 1855--Captain, Thomas Smith; First Lieutenant, John R. Helman; Second Lieutenant, Turney G. Condrie; Sergeants, Bennet Million, Robert Hargadine, Samuel Clayton; Privates, William Alevand, John Buckingham, William Bunyard, Thomas Barrett, James Barrett, John A. Bachman, A. Barr, B. F. Davis, Richard Evens, Eber Emery, J. Emery, Asa Fordyce, L. C. Geary, J. A. Harvey, Jacob Huffman, A. D. Helman, Sol. Holman, J. M. Johnson, James Kilgore, Sard. Knutzson, W. E. Laynes, William Miller, Jackson Million, ------ Masters, Michael Michaelson, W. L. Morris, J. M. McCall, William McCommon, M. Newhouse, William Pitinger, John Roberts, Ferdinand Stiners, William F. Songer, David Smith, James Toland, John Tucker, William Train, Giles Wells, John Wise, Isaac Woolen, John Walker, John Watson.
    COMPANY K.--Mustered October 16, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855--Captain, S. A. Frye; First Lieutenant, James Hornbuckle; Second Lieutenant, Thomas Moore; Sergeants, Charles Abraham, John Guess, Christian Tuttle; Privates, James Ailsher, Urban E. Bozarth, Christian Billafelt, Joseph Barker, Michael Boon, T. Bozarth, Abraham Cole, T. DeHaven, Charles M. Dwelley, John L. Frye, William Finch, A. W. Foggy, John Gould, J. W. Galbraith, H. Henspeter, William Heaverloe, Patrick Haloran, John McGrew, John Meter, Samuel Parks, Frank Pierson, Napoleon Ramsey, James M. Roberts, David Sexton, Peter Snellback, Seth Smith, Henry Thompson, A. J. Whitsett, Charles Ward, Alex. Watts, J. J. Witter.
    COMPANY L.--Mustered October 18, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855--Captain, Abel George; First Lieutenant, Thomas Hays; Second Lieutenant, Stephen Betts; Sergeants, J. M. Cranmer, J. H. Kirkpatrick, W. H. Case, T. N. Ballard; Privates, N. B. Bond, J. W. Chaffee, William Cogle, G. H. Church, A. J. Case, A. J. Doty, William Elworth, W. L. Freemon, D. Fousley, A. Gage, A. M. Graham, Thomas Greenfield, W. Gerick, C. R. Hicks, Edwin Hefts, H. Hawes, F. J. Higginson, A. S. Isaacs, R. H. Johnson, J. H. Lamand, Victor Lychlinski, Alexander Lee. James Ogg, J. W. Pate, Henry H. Richardson, E. H. Richardson John Ragsdale, Clinton Stetson, J. M. Shaw, George Stout, R. L. Smith, J. W. Selby, D. W. Van Martin, George C. Van Landingham, William Warden.
    COMPANY N.--Clustered October 26, 1855; discharged November 21, 1855--Captain, Orise F. Root; First Lieutenant, J. W. Scott; Second Lieutenant, Burde P. Pott; Sergeants, C. P. Sprague, Isaac N. Knight, J. W. Pinnell, J. W. Donning; Privates, John Axtell, Thomas Arnett, D. W. Beckley, J. G. Brious, William Brockus, A. J. Cutberth, W. W. Cox, James W. Doning, J. F. Davis, Robert Duckworth, H. DeGraff, Bernard Fisher, John Goings, Z. M. Goodale, J. M. Hay, Jarvis J. Hay, W. M. Hyde, A. J. Henderson, William Jump, Isaac N. Knight, James Kelly, T. R. Lawson, Jacob Lewellen, J. W. Pattrich, J. W. Pinnell, W. M. Pollock, Burd Pott, Calvin Parris, Alexander M. Rainey, G. H. Reeves, J. R. Reeves, John Sargent, Charles F. Sharp, C. P. Sprague, J. W. Scott, John Twentyman, A. J. Vincent.

COMPANY -- .--Mustered October 27; discharged November 16, 1855--Captain, M. P. Howard; First Lieutenant, Daniel Richardson; Second Lieutenant, H. M. Conroy; Sergeants, Israel T. Mann, G. A. Thomas, John Cathey, Lycurgus Bozarth; Corporals, N. J. Walker, Nicholas H. Martin, John Cathey, N. R. Mulvaney; Privates, John Bowers, James Black, John Burns, Elzey Bird, William Clemens, Lorenzo Coppers, Pulaski Hall, P. H. Harper, Gill Hultz, Eli Judd, John H. Johnson, Thomas Lake, William Lamson, Joseph Miles, John Mayfield, James McClenney, David Phillips, John Price, D. F. Perkins, Jakob Roudebush, Joseph Steel, Goldsmith Tear, George Tear.
    COMPANY --.--Mustered October 10, 1855; discharged November 9, 1855--Captain, James Bruce; First Lieutenant, E. A. Rice; Second Lieutenant, Joseph F. Anderson; Sergeants, Ebenezer Pinkham, R. R. Gates, Francis Pickle, John Haley; Corporals, George W. Collins, Elijah Williams, James C. Dickey, John S. McBride; Privates, Oliver P. Corbett, Dennis Crowley, John Coleman, Lewis Calhoun, D. R. Crocker, John C. Cottrell, Garret Fitzgerald, Charles L. Fee, Daniel F. Fisher, C. C. Goodwin, Aaron Greenbaum, James Hayes, E. Hereford, James Hereford, J. F. Hamilton, Alexander Harris, William A. Hall, Moses H. Hopwood, John N. Lewis, R. S. Munn, A. H. Matthew, Nathan Milton, Chauncey Nye, Sylvester Pease, William Pasley, William Pengra, Nathaniel Rice, August Rumbel, George Stapper, Samuel H. Smith, A. R. Smith, John W. Short, Bluford Stanton, Lewis Sagers, Alexander Thompson, John W. Wood, J. H. Wassum.
    PORT ORFORD MINUTE MEN.--Mustered March 26; discharged June 25, 1856--Captain, John Creighton; First Lieutenant, George Yount; Second Lieutenant, William Rollard; Sergeants, Nelson Stevens, Alexander Jones, Samuel Yount, Thompson Lowe; Corporals, Peter Ruffner, John Herring, George White, Thomas Jamison; Privates, E. Bray, George Barber, Edward Burrows, Preston Caldwell, E. Cutching, E. Cunningham, John T. Dickson, George Dyer, Aaron Dyer, H. M. Davidson, George Dean, Warren Fuller, Joseph Goutrain, Andrew Hubert, D. W. Haywood, Joseph Hall, Thomas Johnson, Richard Johnson, T. G. Kirkpatrick, William Taylor, James Malcolm, L. Parker, James Saunders, Charles Setler, George P. Sullivan, Louis Turner, W. W. Waters, Charles Winslow, William White, John Wilson.
    COQUILLE GUARDS.--In service from November 6, 1855, to December 28, 1855; mustered at Fort Catching--Captain, W. H. Packwood; First Lieutenant, J. B. Hill; Sergeants, J. G. Malcolm, Evan Cunningham; Corporals, Charles W. Wood, A. W. Davis; Privates, George Barber, Isaac Bingham, William Bagley, J. Bray, E. Catching, G. J. Cooper, J. J. Cooper, Preston Caldwell, William Cooley, F. McCue, J. B. Dulley, William Duke, Samuel Darlington, John B. David, J. A. Harry, Abram Huffman, David Hull, Alex. Jones, W. H. Jackson, Benjamin Tarrigan, Henry Miller, Lewellyn Oliver, A. Pence, R. G. Phillips, William Roland, James W. Rooks, John S. Sweet, Charles Settle, W. Waters.
    In this enumeration the companies of Buoy, Keeney, Bledsoe, Robertson, Blakely and Barnes of the second regiment, and of Thomas J. Gardner, M. M. Williams, W. A. Wilkinson, W. H. Harris, Stephen Coffin, J. G. Powell and W. S. Buckley of the ninth regiment are omitted because of the loss of their muster rolls. The total strength of the two regiments is shown in the following table, which sets forth the number of officers and men in service on the twentieth of each month during the war of 1855-6:

	October 1855	November 1855	December 1855	January 1856	February 1856	March 1856	April 1856	May 1856	June 1856	July 1856
Ninth Regiment	545	217	7	4	4	3	2	2	2	2
Second Regiment	--	880	901	912	518	807	913	663	326	--
Total Force	545	1,097	908	916	522	810	915	665	328	2

David D. Fagan, History of Benton County, Oregon, A. G. Walling publisher, Portland 1885, pages 177-296  This history may be identical to Walling's 1884 Illustrated History of Lane County Oregon. Both derive from Walling's 1884 History of Southern Oregon.

Last revised February 3, 2021