[Returning to the Rogue Valley in early September 1853,] Lupton came in from the plains with a lot of stock, and was surprised to find even the arrangements he had left at the camp were not disturbed. Half a dozen pack covers, a hatchet and some nails were taken, but were brought back by order of little Chief John.When locating on the place, I made a treaty with this Indian, paying him for the use of the land from which to cut hay, and for the stock to range, naming specifically that the hogs were to have right to camas and acorns. The hay was hauled to Jacksonville the following summer and sold, as the winter was mild and it was not needed for the stock.
    Lupton later became sole owner of this property, and after living there two years was killed by the Indians in a battle at the mouth of Butte Creek. He was leading a company of volunteers, and while charging in the brush was pierced through the body by an arrow from an Indian bow. The Indian was lying on his back and sprung his bow with his feet--a very effectual way, as great force can thus be given to the bow to speed the arrow.

    I approve [of] your course in not consenting to surrender those Indians into the hands of the "volunteers." The laws of the country clearly indicate a different mode of disposing of such cases. Besides, some of those suspected may not be guilty, and their delivery into the hands of a mob (and such I apprehend the "volunteers" were in the view of the law) would have been equivalent to shooting them down. If the perpetrators of the atrocious deed, they deserve death, but an excited and enraged population are illy qualified to discriminate between the innocent and the guilty, and however deserved the punishment, all experience proves that executions without the forms of law are not only without salutary effect, but of [a] positively injurious tendency.
    It cannot be too strongly impressed upon the Indians that their only security against violence and wrong from reckless whites is to remain quietly on the reservation, that if they leave it and mingle with the vagabond Indians infesting the region adjacent to the boundary between Oregon and California, or at any time give countenance and protection to any fleeing to the reservation to escape detection and punishment, and that their security, happiness and prosperity as individuals and as a people rests upon their upright and peaceful deportment and prompt surrender of all among them guilty of violence, robbery or theft.
Prescient letter of Oregon Superintendent of Indian Affairs Joel Palmer to Rogue River Indian agent George H. Ambrose, September 19, 1855; Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1872, Reel 5; Letter Book D, pages 289-292.


    It is true Indian difficulties may occur, but in this valley it is not likely without some of us are very anxious for it. During the past six months peace has not been interrupted for one hour in the upper R.R. Valley. One or two men have been killed in the valleys or mountains towards the coast. As many have been killed or wounded in the same time in drunken brawls between whites. Yet during all this time you have labored over the signature of "Clarendon" and otherwise to make the impression that there has been continual skirmishing and fighting with the Indians in Rogue River Valley and "Forest Dale." This is unjustifiable; persons at a distance are deterred from coming to the mines; emigration is turned away in some other direction, and the settlers are kept in a continual alarm and uneasiness.
"Anti-Humbug," letter dated September 22, 1855, Oregon Statesman, Corvallis, October 13, 1855, page 1


    About the middle of the week Major L. came into town and addressed the citizens, informing them that it was determined to organize several companies and attack the Indians at different points, so that none should escape. He also said that the Indians were in great commotion at seeing the settlers driving their cattle and moving their families away from their encampments. "I have been among them," added the Major, "and pacified them with the assurance that we were not going to war with them," and he then coolly proposed to massacre them while off their guard. . . .
    I found that Mr. Jones was disposed to the shooting plan, for he had been with the Major, and had agreed to go down the Valley and help muster a company to act in concert for a general massacre.
    I felt impelled to remonstrate against such injustice, and pointed out the probability of himself and some of his neighbors falling in such an encounter. I reminded him that the Indians were not only more numerous than ourselves, but that they occupied vantage ground, that when attacked above, they would naturally run down the valley and kill all before them. I begged him to remember that it is not Indian nature, but human nature, to make a desperate struggle, rather than give up life and home. But Mr. Jones mounted his horse and rode away, apparently fixed in his determination for slaughter. . . .
    I did not know what further measures had been taken until Sunday morning, when I was informed that a meeting of citizens had been held, that two Methodist preachers, and other leading men, had made speeches, and that the unanimous feeling was in favor of the measures which have already been set forth. Monday morning, October 8th, 1855, was the time agreed on to commence the work.
    As there was a Methodist quarterly meeting to assemble that day, within two hours' ride of the scene of the intended massacre, I hoped there would be heard in that religious assembly some expression of brotherly kindness and charity for the poor doomed outcasts in their immediate vicinity. Full of this hope I attended the meeting, but the services progressed with the rehearsal of "experiences" common on such occasions, until speakers became scarce, and the presiding elder exhorted all who had anything to say for the Lord to improve the time.
    I arose, and spoke with all the feeling, and all the power I had, in the behalf of the poor Indians. I entreated that assembly, who had gathered themselves together in the name of Christ, whose whole life and ministry was a living Gospel of Love, to put on the spirit and the power of Christ. I begged them, by every principle of humanity and justice, to inflict no wrong upon the helpless. I drew in strong colors the scenes that would inevitably follow such an attack as was meditated. I thought if there was a soul, or a heart in them, I would find it, even if it could be reached through nothing but their own selfishness. I pictured our burning houses, our murdered wives and children, our silent and desolated homes, and all the wrongs that would inevitably flow into that crimson: torrent they were about to open. In conclusion, I strongly urged them, as citizens and Christians, to raise a voice of remonstrance, or to call on the authorities for the administration of justice, and thus avert the impending calamity.
    No voice responded to the appeal, and the meeting closed, for no one had independence enough to speak his thoughts. But I afterward learned that there were members of that assembly who silently acknowledged its force, but the pressure of public opinion prevented open expression. I cannot resist the conviction that if the presiding elder, with his brethren of the ministry, and leading members of the Church, had taken a firm, manly, and Christian position, as advocates of the Gospel of Peace, the horrors of that week, and of the subsequent war, might have been prevented. I am confirmed in this opinion by one who became penitent for the part he had taken in those atrocities. He solemnly declared that he was led into it by the preachers. . . .
    During the following week all was intense excitement through the length and breadth of the valley, but the prevailing hope was, that, as the work had commenced, it would be effectual, and soon accomplished. Numerous were the reports as to individual cases, as well as the general progress of the enterprise, and it was difficult to obtain the exact details. The following is as near the truth as I could ascertain.
    During the night of Sunday, the main body of the assailants approached as near to the Indians, on or near the Reserve, as they could without being perceived. They were found in several ranches on the banks of the river. Three companies crept on their hands and knees through the chaparral, so as to obtain advantageous positions. With the first early dawn of morning they poured the deadly contents of their rifles through the frail tenements, under which were sleeping helpless men and women, little children, and nursing infants. Let fathers and mothers fancy themselves and their sleeping babes thus assailed, and they will realize better than I can describe the horrors of that occasion.
    Being thus unprepared for war, and taken by surprise, the Indians fled for shelter to the surrounding chaparral, while their assailants continued, with their revolvers, to dispatch all they could reach. They captured two or three Indian women alive, and when no man was in sight, it being something of a risk to creep after them in the brush, these women were compelled, under threats of instant death, to force out their husbands and sons and brothers, that they might be shot without danger to their destroyers. It was while thus employed that Major L., already spoken of, received an arrow from an unseen hand, which penetrated his lungs, and he fell. One of his companions was also mortally wounded by an arrow, and both of them died in the course of two or three days. Several others were slightly wounded, and thus their cowardly and outrageous proceedings were, for the time, suspended, if we except the amusement of stabbing and target-shooting at the bodies of the dead that were left on the ground.
    I never ascertained how it was that on this occasion the Indians used only bows and arrows. It must have been that some strategy had been used to get possession of their guns, or else they had not time to load them, for in the various reports of this affair, firearms were not mentioned in my hearing.
    Fort Lane, commanded by Captain Smith, was within a short distance. I cannot think of this officer but with feelings of profound respect. His proximity to the Indians, and frequent intercourse with their chiefs, afforded him facilities for knowing the nature and extent of their grievances. With the heroism of a soldier, and the magnanimity of a true man, he steadily, and to the utmost of the means at his command, resisted the popular torrent, and nobly pledged his life in protection of the weak and the defenseless.
    A detachment was sent from the fort to bury the dead. They reported having found twenty-eight bodies, fourteen being those of women and children. But as many dead were undoubtedly left in the thickets, and no account was taken of the wounded, many of whom would die, or of the bodies that were afterward seen floating in the river, the above must be far short of the number actually killed.
    Of those that escaped, eighty were received into the fort, and had there been provision, and men enough for defense, more would have been admitted. For thus leaning favorably toward the poor fugitives from slaughter, the most bitter denunciations were poured upon the head of the Captain, and for many months his name was often coupled with the most ignominious and degrading epithets.
John Beeson, A Plea for the Indians, 1857, pages 46-48, 50-51.  According to Beeson, Jones is the same man killed the next day at Bloody Run (page 51).


    Information having been received that armed parties have taken the field in Southern Oregon, with the avowed purpose of waging a war of extermination against the Indians in that section of the Territory and have slaughtered, without respect to age or sex, a friendly band of Indians upon their reservation, in despite of the authority of the Indian agent :and the commanding officer of the United States troops stationed there, and contrary to the peace of the Territory, it is therefore ordered that the commanding officer of the battalion authorized by the proclamation of the' governor of the 16th day of October, instant, will enforce the disbanding of all armed parties not duly enrolled into the service of the Territory by virtue of said proclamation.
    The force called into service for the suppression of Indian hostilities in the Rogue River and Umpqua valleys, and chastisement of the hostile party of Shasta, Rogue River and other Indians now menacing the settlements in Southern Oregon, is deemed entirely adequate to achieve the object of the campaign; and the utmost confidence is reposed in the citizens of that part of, the Territory that they will support and maintain the authority of the executive by cordially cooperating with the commanding officers of the territorial forces, the commanding officers of the United States troops, and the special agents of the Indian Department in Oregon.
    A partisan warfare against any bands of Indians within our borders or on our frontiers is pregnant only with mischief, and will be viewed with a distrust and disapprobation by every citizen who values the peace and good order of the settlements, It will receive no countenance or support from the executive authority of the Territory.
    By the governor:
Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Congress, 3rd session, 1857, pages 156-157


    About thirty-two years ago, while the subscriber was on the jury during court week at Jacksonville, Oregon, a man came into the room and said: "There is a camp of redskins below here. I have put them off their guard by assuring them that the whites want peace and will not again disturb them.
    "Now I propose that we organize three companies to surround them and make a clean finish of the whole lot at once."
    A Methodist quarterly meeting was held on the day before the contemplated massacre, Elder Wilbur presided; an appeal to the moral sense of the people was made during the love feast in behalf of the Indians, which had such an effect upon Elder Wilbur that he could not rest until he got the appointment of an Indian Agency, which he held with honor and great usefulness for nearly thirty years. In answer to a letter from him I went to Salem last December. But I was too late, for I met this funeral procession in the street, and I only saw his good old face as I stood by his coffin in the church.
John Beeson, "Old Events and Recent Occurrences," The Better Way, Cincinnati, May 19, 1888, page 2


    There are near thirty or forty volunteers camped on Butte Creek, in search of the Indians that killed those men on the Siskiyou. They are under the impression that the Indians on the reservation are connected with that transaction, which I do not believe. I have seen no cause to alter my mind as to who committed that act. I believe it to have been done by that remnant of "Tipsu Tyee's" people, who are yet living in connection with some Shastas.
    When this war excitement shall have subsided a little, which I trust will be the case shortly, I will furnish you statements of what is transpiring by my mail.
Letter of G. H. Ambrose to Joel Palmer, October 8, 1855; Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 13; Letters Received, 1855, No. 89


    A correspondent writing from Lower Rogue River, under date of Oct. 8th, informs us that he had received news of the massacre of two white men near Wait's mill by the Indians. They also set fire to a house on Butte Creek, which was entirely consumed. Let these inhuman wretches beware of the speedy punishment which is sure to follow their fiendish depredations. The people of Southern Oregon have remained quiet under these outrages until forbearance has ceased to be a virtue, and they are now arming themselves for the purpose of giving the perpetrators the chastisement they so richly deserve.
Oregonian, Portland, October 20, 1855, page 2


    A battle was fought at the Buttes by the Jacksonville volunteers, in which 41 Indians were killed, and two of our men killed and nine more wounded. This was on Monday.
A. G. Henry, letter of October 12, Oregon Statesman, Corvallis, October 20, 1855, page 2


    Before leaving Willamette Valley old residents of the country remarked the smokiness of the atmosphere, telling us it was less smoky in 1853, when the Rogue River war was in progress. They said the mountain atmosphere was very clear when there were no fires in the mountains, and that these fires were kindled by the Indians as war signals, and they feared a general outbreak. But all seemed quiet as we passed on through the Umpqua and out by the cañon--which would be a terrible place to encounter a band of desperate red men, it being the worst pass for a wagon road I ever saw--and on through Rogue River Valley. Yet the people were apprehensive of danger as we neared Jacksonville, for the report of the attack on wagoners in California, near the Oregon line, had reached the valley, and the memory of 1853 revived.
    At Jacksonville the excitement was intense. The report was believed that Gen. Wool had come up from California for the purpose of prosecuting the war; that he had recommended the organization of volunteer companies, and given the soldiers at Fort Lane permission to volunteer, which they had immediately done to the number of sixty, under command of Col. Alston. At Sterling, the same day, Sunday, Oct. 7, a volunteer company was made up under command of Smiley Harris, and I came to Jacksonville toward evening. They were to meet a company from Bear River, and another from Butte Creek, and before morning attack on Butte Creek some of John's Indians--about twelve in number--who, with others to the number of twenty-five, had been stopping several days in the same place, and could be easily surrounded and cut off. John's men had long been lawless, and it was hoped they would now be destroyed. We breakfasted on Monday at Fort Lane, after a ten miles' morning ride from Jacksonville, and then learned that General Wool was not there, nor was he expected; that the volunteer companies were not authorized by the officers at the fort, and the soldiers were all there--two companies, one hundred and fourteen each. Capt. Smith, our host, pointed to eight or ten Indian women and children, who had come to the fort for protection about daybreak. The men at the fort had heard firing a little while before, and soon learned that the volunteer companies had not found the company of John's tribe, as they expected, for John's men had heard of the intended attack and gone off upon the reservation. The volunteers then went to a rancheria, containing at the time two men, and women and children to make up a dozen, fired into it, killing one old woman and slightly wounding another. [The actual toll of the Lupton massacre was much higher.] The woman killed was Sam's mother, and the company were Sam's Indians. This Sam was chief of perhaps a hundred men, whom the Shasta Indians had long tried to induce to join them against the whites, but Sam had hitherto refused. Whether this outrage would induce him to turn, Capt. Smith did not know. He thought whatever lawlessness the Indians committed, the whites were the aggressors, as in this instance. He said if John's men had been cut off it would have been unjust, for they had been peaceably fishing and drying salmon for several days, and he did not think they had hostile intentions.
Sarah Pellet, letter of October 15, 1855, in New York Daily Tribune, November 14, 1855, page 6


    Sir--Whilst engaged in writing you a few lines yesterday morning, I received a message from Capt. Smith, informing me that the volunteers had made a descent upon a small band of Indians, camped about two miles from Fort Lane, in which several Indians were killed. I immediately repaired to the scene of action and found that Sambo's band of Indians had been attacked just at the break of day, simultaneous with an attack upon Jake's people, who were camped about one-half mile above Thompson's ferry (better known to you by the name of Camp Alden), on the bank of the river. Capt. Smith sent a detachment of dragoons to inform themselves of the nature of the difficulties, and to see what had been done; upon arriving at Sambo's camp were found two dead women; one had died a natural death, and one had recently been shot. I learned from Sambo that one woman was slightly wounded, and that two boys had been wounded, each shot in the arm. They were all taken to Fort Lane and provided for.
    We then proceeded to Jake's camp, where we found twenty-three dead bodies, and a boy who escaped said he saw two women floating down the river, and it is quite probable several more were killed whose bodies were not found. I had apprehended danger, and had so informed the Indians several days previous, and Capt. Smith had notified the Indians that if they wanted protection they had to come onto the reserve or to Fort Lane. It seems from their statements that they had concluded to go on the reserve, and had accordingly started on Sunday evening, leaving the old men and women behind to follow on Monday. In the meantime this attack was made quite early in the morning, which resulted as above stated. There were found killed eight men, four of whom were very aged, and fifteen women and children, all belonging to Jake's band. The attack was so early in the morning, it is more than probable that the women were indistinguishable from the men.
    Upon the part of the whites, James Lupton, the captain of the company, received a mortal wound, from the effects of which he has since died, and a young man by the name of Shepherd is supposed to be mortally wounded. Several others slightly.
    The night following this affair, the Indians rallied together, killed some cattle on Butte Creek, and it is supposed have since joined old man John, who I suppose had been waiting some time for a pretext to commence hostilities, only desiring the assistance of some other Indians, which this unfortunate occurrence secured to him--that of the Butte Creek at any rate--and I apprehend many disaffected Indians will join. On Monday night a young man by the name of Wm. Gwin, in the employ of the Agency, who was engaged at work on the west end of the reserve in company with some Indians, near old John's house, was killed and his body was horribly mutilated, cut across the forehead and face with an ax, apparently as he lay asleep; they then destroyed or took off what provisions and tools that were at camp. They then repaired to Mr. Jewett's ferry, killed one man who was camped at the ferry, and wounded two others. Next I heard of them at Evans' ferry, where they fired at the inmates of the house as they passed, wounding one man, supposed to be mortally. They had with them, at the time they passed, several American horses and mules which they had doubtless stolen the night previous. Mr. Birdseye lost three or four, and Dr. Miller several, Mr. Schieffelin one; they were seen by Mr. Birdseye running some mules off that morning.
    Old Chief Sam gathered his and Elijah's people together and protected the hands who were employed to work on that part of the reserve, as also the cattle and other property belonging to the Agency. Neither he nor his people want war, nor do I believe they can be made to fight except in self-defense.
    The whole populace of the country have become enraged, and intense excitement prevails everywhere, and I apprehend it will be useless to try to restrain those Indians in any way, other than to kill them off. Nor do I believe it will be safe for Sam and his people to remain here, if any other disposition can be made of them; it should by all means be attended to immediately. I doubt very much if the military will be able to afford them the requisite protection.
    Sam entertains the opinion that Jake's people will fight till they are all killed off; John will doubtless do the same.
    I hardly believe that either Limpy or George desire a war, but have no doubt many of their people will engage with those that do, and possibly they may too. Neither of them or their people are upon the reservation, nor have not been for some weeks, and should either of them be caught sight of, they will most certainly be shot.
    Taking all circumstances into consideration, I think it hardly possible to avert the most disastrous and terrible war that this country has ever been threatened with.
    Oct. 10th. Whilst waiting an opportunity to send my former communication, additional news has come to hand. After the wounding of those men at Evans' ferry, the Indians pursued the main traveled road towards the Canyon, where I learned from a company of packers who have just arrived that they saw seven dead men lying in the road in different places between Mr. Evans' ferry and Mr. Wagoner's--several trains had been robbed--and several wagons had been plundered, and I suspect every person who passed the road has been killed. I expect to have to record still sadder news before the week closes. A greater destruction of life will probably never be caused by the same number of people, or more horrid atrocities be perpetrated, than by those Shasta Indians. They are well provided with arms, both guns and revolvers, and skillful in the use of them. I do not believe more desperate or reckless men ever lived upon the earth, and I have no doubt but that they have made up their minds to fight till they die.
Gen. Palmer, Sup't. Ind. Affairs,
    Dayton, O.T.
"Rogue River War," Pioneer and Democrat, Olympia, Washington, October 26, 1855, pages 2-3
The original letter can be found on NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 13; Letters Received, 1855, No. 93. A transcription can be found in NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1872, Reel 5; Letter Book D, pages 323-326.


    On the morning of the 8th, about thirty Indians, principally old men, squaws and children, were killed while sleeping in their ranches. This preceded the outbreak of the Indians (about 30 hours) and was the immediate cause of it. Lupton was shot in the breast by an arrow in the attack on the ranches on the morning of the 8th. He died of the wound in about two days. He has lately been one of the principal Indian agitators.
Letter of October 11, Oregon Statesman, Corvallis, October 27, 1855, page 1


    FIGHT WITH THE INDIANS.--A volunteer force of about 125 men proceeded on Sunday evening the 7th inst. to the mouth of Butte Creek, in the vicinity of Fort Lane. Early on Monday morning they approached the rancherias and were fired upon by the Indians. The fight then became general, and 40 of the Indians were killed. Maj. Lupton was killed and 12 of the volunteers wounded.
"News from the North," Oregonian, Portland, October 16, 1855, page 1


    We are indebted to Mr. Galbraith of the Crescent City Express, for the following particulars of the opening of an Indian war in Rogue River Valley.
    As to the leading causes of this outbreak, the massacre of the miners on the Upper Klamath in the latter part of July, the murder of several packers, teamsters and travelers on the different routes near the Oregon boundary line, and more recently the killing of two wagoners and their ox teams near Cottonwood by the Indians--all these must still be fresh in the recollection of our readers. The military at Fort Lane, O.T., seemed to be powerless in either restraining or punishing the marauders, and the goaded population were at last compelled to rise for their own protection. Mr. Galbraith left Jacksonville on Tuesday, the 9th inst., and the following are the main events which happened up to that time:
    A volunteer force of one hundred or one hundred and twenty-five men had been formed, and after having completed their arrangements they proceeded on Sunday evening, the 7th inst., to the mouth of Butte Creek, in the vicinity of Fort Lane, in several parties, according to the number of rancherias [Indian villages], and commanded respectively by Major Lupton, 36 men; Capt. Williams, 14; Messrs. Bruce, Miller and Hays, 11 each; Mr. [Smiley] Harris, 18; and Mr. Newcomb, 17 men. Early on Monday morning the volunteers approached the rancherias, and the Indians first fired upon Harris' command. The fight then became general and ended in the total defeat of the Indians, 30 of whom, left dead on the ground, were afterwards buried by the military from Fort Lane.
    Of the volunteers, 12 men were wounded: one of their number, Major Lupton, who had received an arrow in the left breast, died on Monday night; and another, named Sheppard, wounded in the abdomen, it is thought will not recover.
Crescent City Herald, October 17, 1855, page 2   Galbraith's account had previously been printed in an extra of the Herald on October 12.


"An Indian War in the Rogue River Valley," Crescent City Herald, October 17, 1855, page 2