Crescent City Herald, June 13, 1855, page 2


    INDIAN OUTBREAK.--Another Indian outbreak has commenced in Southern Oregon, between the Applegate, Illinois and Coast Indians and the whites. The Indians have killed several white persons, and committed other depredations upon the settlers, such as shooting stock, driving mules and cattle into the mountains &c. &c. The settlers have become alarmed, and are determined to make a treaty with these bands which will be lasting to the end of time. The Rogue River Indians have been collected together upon the reservation by Dr. Ambrose, the Indian agent, and were peaceable when we left, a few days ago.
Oregonian, Portland, June 16, 1855, page 2


    Up to the time of our last issue the Indian difficulties in that section had progressed to an alarming extent. Volunteer companies were in search of the Indians, who had all left the reservation on Rogue River. Judge Peters, Mr. Rosborough and others on their way to this city were induced to return to Jacksonville. Mr. T. A. Jackson came through accompanied by a guard a short distance of the route, and two days after his arrival a letter was received, written by Mr. Shoudy, and dated Applegate, June 10th, from which, by permission, we make the following extract:
    "Yesterday Mr. Jackson got Mr. J. Dyer and Mr. D. McHues to guard him over to Mooney's ranch. On returning home they were waylaid by the Indians and both killed, one having received seven balls and the other ten through the body in various places. Some soldiers who passed along this morning found the bodies and buried them. This of course causes considerable excitement, and families are obliged to move to places of safety. Travel has for the moment almost ceased, and there is but little doing in the diggings here or at Jacksonville. It has rained all this afternoon and two or three trains have just come through without experiencing any trouble."
    These statements are fully corroborated by Mr. Cornwall, the expressman, who came in a few days after.
    THE INDIAN DIFFICULTIES IN ILLINOIS VALLEY SETTLED.--From G. S. Rice, of Sailor Diggings, we learn that news had been brought in of the adjustment of the Indian troubles, it being reported that the Indians returned to the reservation after having given up six of their number concerned in the murder of J. B. Hill on Indian Creek and also in the murder of Dyer and McHues on Applegate.
    P.S.--Mr. B. F. Dorris of this city returned last evening from Yreka; he passed through Illinois Valley on Sunday, reports everything quiet and confirms the statement that the murderers of Hills, Dyer and McHues were given up to the Indian agent. Some soldiers and volunteers, however, are still out.
Crescent City Herald, June 20, 1855, page 2


    INDIAN WAR.--We have received private letters from Jacksonville to the 14th of June which fully confirm the fact that the Indians have determined upon another war with the settlers. Volunteers had been raised at Jacksonville, and had gone out to bury those whites who had been killed by the Indians, and to chastise them. The rumor was that two battles had been fought and the Indians whipped in both encounters, and that seven Indians had been killed and several prisoners taken. This rumor, however, was not authentic at the time our correspondents wrote.
Oregonian, Portland, June 23, 1855, page 2


    From a slip from the Yreka Union office, dated the 28th ult., and furnished by Rhodes & Whitney's Express on Tuesday evening last, we are in receipt of the painful intelligence that the Indians of Northern California and Southern Oregon have again taken the war path. Indeed, we are in possession of the reliable information that they have already brutally murdered upwards of twenty white men, besides having burned and otherwise destroyed a large amount of property in houses, grain, stock &c., &c.
    According to the Extra Union the first act of hostility occurred on Humbug Creek, when three Indians and one white man got into a difficulty, occasioned by the Indians abusing the white man, Peters. In this affair Peters was killed, although he fired at one of the Indians first. A party of men from Humbug started in immediate pursuit of the murderers, and captured them on Barkhouse Creek. They effected their escape afterwards, however.
    A few nights subsequent to the first affair, a band of Indians, supposed to be of the Applegate tribe, made a descent on Buckeye Bar, on Klamath River, and killed nine men. Mr. Edward Flanagan arrived at Yreka on Monday, and informed the Union that he saw the bodies of ten men, four of whom he recognized as those of Edward Parrish, Wm. Hennessy, Thomas Gray and Peter Hignight.
    Horsley & Brastow’s Express has furnished us with the following extract from a letter written from their office in Yreka on Monday last.
    "Since Jack left, two Indians have been hung in this place. They came in town as spies. Two white men were killed on Hamburg Bar, Scott Bar, on yesterday, and two packers on Applegate Creek."
    We annex the following letter, from the Rev. R. B. Stratton, written on the 30th ult., Monday last:--
    MESSRS. EDITORS:--Though a stranger, I take the liberty of saying to you that the Indian difficulties announced in the "Extra" Union of Saturday are growing more serious every moment. I write you, thinking I will thus be more certain to apprise some friends, whom I expect to be at Shasta in a few days, en route for this place.
    Today two Indians were hung here; they were caught last evening near Yreka, with arms and ammunition, and identified as being connected with the hostile tribe. One of them was an elderly man, obviously of a stern experience, as he was thoroughly scarred. Four more are to be hung this evening on Humbug. No further
reports from Klamath (the place where the first depredations were made), except that Indians are still prowling about in that region.
    Posters have been sent to all parts of Scott and Shasta valleys, that isolated families may gather to some defensible position. The excitement is intense, and likely to continue. The younger of the two Indians hung today asserted just before
he swung that the "Rogue River Indians," and many others, had combined to pursue a war of extermination upon the whites, and that they had vowed never to enter into a treaty again. Whatever credit may be given to his words, they will not tend to any abatement of the present excitement. He further stated that they had determined [upon] the utter destruction of this town.
    Stealing squaws, and selling the Indians rum and arms, will yet prove dear traffic to the innocent (?) whites
Shasta Courier, Shasta, California, August 4, 1855, page 2


    We learn from Mr. Harris, who arrived here a few days since from Yreka, that on Friday, 3rd inst., a man was shot in the neighborhood of Jacksonville, by the Applegate or Rogue River Indians. Dr. McKinney and eight others went in pursuit of the murderers, and finally overtook them in superior force, a fight took place, and in the melee Dr. McKinney and seven of his party were killed. One man alone made his escape, and he reached Jacksonville in a crippled condition. Capt. Williams, with a strong party, had gone in pursuit of the enemy.
    This is but another bloody proof that it is impossible for the two races to live in contiguity. Every day that the utter extirpation of the Indians is prolonged but engenders fresh murders. It is useless to inquire who is in fault; the fact is written in the blood of some of our best citizens that the races cannot live together. In such case, the first law of nature, self-preservation, would seem to dictate that policy which Napoleon adopted toward his prisoners in Arabia.
Oregonian, Portland, August 11, 1855, page 2


Weekly Oregon Statesman, Salem, August 18, 1855, page 2


    THE INDIAN DEPREDATIONS SOUTH.--In the letter of our Jacksonville correspondent will be found the fullest and latest information from the south.
    LATER.--Mr. Spencer, of this place, who left Jacksonville last Saturday, the 11th, says that Capt. Smith of Fort Lane had six of the murderers in custody on the reserve, and had some dragoons out after the rest. Two hundred and fifty volunteers were there from Yreka, and demanded the murderers. Capt. Smith refused to give them up, but said that he would hand them over to the authorities of Siskiyou County, and an express had been sent for the sheriff.
Weekly Oregon Statesman, Salem, August 18, 1855, page 2

    My Dear Friend:--I have but time to inform you that the Indians have turned out, and so have the whites. About forty Indians have been killed and two or three whites in a battle on Butte Creek. Maj. Lupton among the latter. Twelve white men were wounded. I was Vannoy's this morning to visit Mrs. Jones who was wounded in the arm and back yesterday by the Indians who attacked their house, killed Mr. Jones, set fire to the house and left, believing Mrs. Jones dead; think she will die shortly. Vannoy seems anxious as does everybody on Applegate and Rogue River to see a volunteer company from Althouse. I should like to see the boys out. I believe now is the time to subdue the Indians and do some service. My compliments to all; tell them to turn out; there is earnest war certain!
    Yours,                    M. C. Barkwell.

    Friend Bush:--There is nothing reliable from the seat of war since last mail, but as usual a great many rumors and flying reports of depredations committed are in circulation; what amount of credit is to be attached to them is a difficult matter to determine. Among the best authenticated is one of a battle taking place on Galice Creek in which one white man and 15 Indians were killed.
    At sundown last evening an express arrived at Deer Creek for men to go through the canyon, the Indians having attacked a train of wagons a short distance this side of Cow Creek. The messenger, it seems, belonged to the train, but being the hindmost of the party was dispatched for help, and could give no particulars as to the result. He thinks, from the reports of the guns, that there must have been twenty-five Indians engaged in the attack. Another messenger arrived about 10 o'clock of the same evening, from Mr. Elliff--dispatched by the latter for men and arms--and a company of twenty men are to start through tomorrow morning, and we may expect some sharp shooting in a day or two.
    This morning, at daylight, a company of twenty or twenty-five men fell upon a rancheria near Mr. Arrington's, in Lookingglass Prairie, and succeeded in killing four warriors and wounding a superannuated squaw in the abdomen. The Indians numbered about 20, men, women and children, and had placed themselves under the protection of the whites, having but three guns among them, two of which could not be fired. It was supposed some of the Rogue River tribe was among them, but there is no evidence of the fact. Such affairs are to be regretted as inflaming the Indians, who we think are disposed to be friendly if the whites will only allow them to be; yet a few such outbreaks as this and we may expect a general outbreak in this valley.
    Mr. [B. B. Jackson] also states that about 300 Indians with their families, stock and plunder have taken a position on a mountain six miles below the Grave Creek house, fortified it, and are awaiting an attack. They are determined to fight, and have selected this as a favorable position. Capt. Smith was at the Grave Creek House, with about 150 regulars, laying his plans and awaiting reinforcements. Two companies of volunteers from this valley arrived at headquarters just as Mr. J. was leaving. They expected to attack the Indians on Thursday. Capt. Smith had sent to the fort for a howitzer, intending to first drive them from their position with shells, and then attack them with small arms.
    Volunteers were coming in from both north and south, and before the attack was to be made it was thought there would be over 500 men on the ground.
"Latest from the South," Oregon Statesman, Corvallis, November 3, 1855, page 2

"O.J.E."

The Indian War!!
Depredations on Althouse, Sucker Creek and Democratic Gulch--
One Man Killed--Another Wounded--The Cabins Burnt.

    The Indians in the Rogue River and Umpqua valleys are still committing their depredations on the defenseless settlements, pillaging and burning houses and property of the settlers and, growing bolder by their success, have approached nearer the towns. The following letter was received on Thursday by Thos. J. McCarver, assistant Com. Gen., to whom we are indebted for a copy:
    Dear Son--Since you left this place this morning, information of a reliable character reached here that Mr. Rice and family--with the exception of a small boy--had been murdered this morning at daylight, about fifteen miles of this place, and the house set on fire, the smoke of which has been seen by several persons now in town. [See the contradicting report, a few paragraphs below.] The boy reports about 100 Indians in the attacking party. Great consternation has been produced in this place and neighborhood.
    Adjutant Stratton, of Major Martin's battalion, is here and is now engaged in making out orders for the remnants of Capts. Bailey, Gordon and Chapman's companies now in the neighborhood to repair without delay to the scene of hostilities, and we are preparing to give them a hearty reception at this place if their object is commissary and quartermaster's stores.
    I send this by the messenger who follows Capt. Bailey, who left with you this morning. We have sent a messenger to the scene of difficulty. When he returns, if necessary, I will dispatch another without delay to the Governor. In the meantime, show this to the different newspaper editors in the Willamette Valley.
Thos. J. McCarver,
    Asst. Com. Genl. Oregon Militia.
    We are also informed by Mr. McCarver that an express arrived at Roseburg on the 30th ult. from Little Meadows, on Rogue River, bringing news that a fight had taken place a day or two before at that point. Part of Maj. Martin's battalion was engaged in crossing Rogue River by means of a raft. On placing the third log in the water, they were fired upon from the brush on the opposite side by a superior number, and not being prepared for fighting were compelled to lie behind the rocks, or anything which would shelter them from the enemy's fire, till night covered their retreat. A Mr. Lewis of Capt. Kinney's company was killed; one of Capt. Kinney's, two of Capt. Williams' and one of Capt. Rice's companies were wounded; one other was wounded, but of whose company was not learned. It is not known that any Indians were killed in this engagement.
    During the day, a beef belonging to the volunteers was killed, and at night the Indians crossed and carried it off, together with a quantity of arms, ammunition and provisions.
    Since the above reached us, a letter has been received by the Governor from Gen. McCarver, who is at Roseburg, which states that instead of one hundred Indians attacking Mr. Rice's house, as reported, the number did not exceed twenty or thirty, who were repulsed by the men in the house, though not until Mr. Rice was wounded in the arm, fracturing the bone. His outbuildings were burned, and several unsuccessful attempts made to set fire to his house. Up to the date of his letter (Dec. 2nd), Gen. McCarver had received reliable information that about ten houses had been burned in the vicinity of Roseburg. All, however, had been vacated or were outbuildings. The inhabitants had received intelligence of the approach of the hostile band from a friendly Indian and fled, leaving their houses and property to the mercy of the savages, who burned and destroyed them. A small party of volunteers was hastily made up at Roseburg on the 1st inst., which together with a part of Capt. Bailey's company and the citizens in the vicinity of the attack, numbering in all thirty or forty men, immediately started in pursuit of the Indians. A party under J. P. Day discovered the camp of the enemy, about sixteen miles from Roseburg, on Olilly Creek, attacked them on the morning of the 2nd, at daylight, killing two on the spot and effectually routing the band. They captured twenty-three head of horses, all their bedclothing, provisions &c., and three rifles. Many of the balance of their guns were lost in swimming the creek. Only one man was wounded in the fight--Assistant Quartermaster General Castleman. The wound is in the abdomen and is thought not to be dangerous. Information had been received that part of Capt. Gordon's company, which had started through the Canyon in compliance with Maj. Martin's orders, had returned to the Cow Creek settlements, where the Indians were killing cattle &c. It was also said that they, together with the neighboring citizens, were fighting with another band of Indians about ten or eleven o'clock on the 2nd inst., as they were in hot pursuit, and persons who had arrived from the Canyon reported much firing in that direction.
    From this it would appear that the scene of hostilities has changed, and that while the citizens were preparing to pursue them in Rogue River Valley, the enemy have made their appearance in the Umpqua and commenced their depredations in that quarter.
    Adjutant Stratton was to leave for the Little Meadows on the 3rd. Owing to the condition of things in the Umpqua he has countermanded Maj. Martin's orders, directing all the forces to the Little Meadows, and will leave 100 men to protect the settlements.
    This force is deemed inadequate, and if Maj. Martin's battalion remains long in the Rogue River Valley it is feared they will suffer much from the savages, unless more companies are organized and more arms and ammunition distributed among the citizens of the Umpqua Valley. Arms are very scarce and calls are made on the Commissary Department continually, which is entirely destitute, the last having been given out during the last alarm.
    The end of this war will only be when the last redskin, who has spread terror among the peaceable citizens of these two valleys, shall have bit the dust.
Weekly Oregonian, Portland, December 8, 1855, page 2

E. M. Barnum, Adj. Gen. O.T.:
    Sir:--Herewith I have the honor to submit to you a detailed account of the operations of the Northern Battalion, Southern Division, Oregon Mounted Volunteers under my command since my report of Nov. 3rd.
    After the battle of the Grave Creek Hills, in which a small portion of my command participated, a want of supplies compelled Col. Ross, commanding the ninth regiment Oregon militia, and Capt. Smith, of the regulars, to withdraw their forces from this point. Whilst making every preparation to renew the attack upon the Indians in their recent stronghold, it was ascertained that they had abandoned their position, and from the best information that could be obtained, I was led to believe had removed further to the westward and probably taken up a position somewhere on the headwaters of the Coquille, in the big bend of Cow Creek, or possibly in the lower Rogue River country. In either event their proximity to the thickly settled districts on the south side of the South Umpqua River, and the great exposure of this portion of Umpqua Valley, determined me to install a sufficient force from the several companies under my command to occupy positions to check any demonstrations of the enemy in this quarter. For this purpose, Capt. Bailey, company A, of Lane County, was ordered to proceed to Camas Prairie, on the waters of the Coquille, a point easily accessible to the Umpqua Valley, and commanding the nearest and best trails from the coast as well as that leading across the Umpqua Mountains to lower Rogue River. Capt. Gordon, of the Douglas company, was ordered to occupy a position on Cow Creek, about eight miles above the mouth of that stream, in order to protect the settlements in that quarter from the incursions of the Cow Creek Indians, who had so recently committed such outrages between the Canyon and Grave Creek. Lieut. T. W. Prather, with a detachment of the same company, was ordered for the present to proceed up the North Umpqua, to keep an eye upon a small band of Indians who were reported to be in that area.
    Under the proclamation of the Governor, authorizing the organization of two southern battalions, one cardinal object was to keep open a line of communication from the valleys of the Willamette and Umpqua south to the California line. For this purpose, Capt. Kinney's company, of Linn County, was stationed at Camp Bailey, about five miles south of the crossing of Cow Creek, with orders to protect the road from the latter point to Grave Creek. For a similar object, Capt. Buoy's company B, of Lane County, was stationed at the south end of the Canyon--[Camp Elliff]--with orders to keep open the communication from [his post] to the [Cow] Creek crossing. Such was the disposition of my force on the 10th of November, with headquarters at Camp Bailey. No immediate movement could be made against the Indians, as it was quite uncertain where they were to be found since their departure from the Grave Creek Hills. Had I even been in possession of this information, there was not ten days' rations on the line from Roseburg to headquarters. My first object was therefore to bring up supplies for a winter campaign if necessary.
    On the 17th of November, I received an express dispatch from Major Bruce, commanding the Southern Battalion, Southern Division, O.M. Vols., informing me that the Indians had made their appearance on Jumpoff Joe, and were supposed to be in force somewhere on the waters of that stream, and requesting me to cooperate with him with all my available force. I immediately ordered up a detachment of thirty-five men from Capt. Bailey's company, and forty from Capt. Chapman's company of Umpqua County, having been notified that this company was now in the field and ready to move. With Capt. Bailey's detachment, I proceeded to Camp Vannoy, headquarters of the Southern Battalion. In the meantime, Capt. Williams, commanding a company in Maj. Bruce's command, had fallen in with and routed a small [force] of Indians near the mouth of Jumpoff Joe, supposed to be the force which had given the alarm a few days before, and to which Maj. Bruce referred in his dispatch of [the] 17th. In a conference with Major Bruce and Capt. Judah of Fort Jones, Cal., it was determined to move our whole available force down Rogue River, under a clear conviction that the enemy had proceeded in that direction. Whilst I fully concurred in this as the most advisable course to pursue, I was fully aware of the difficulties and hazards of a campaign at this season, across the mountains covered with snow, and liable within a few hours at any time during the rainy season to be blocked up to an extent to bar the transit either of men or supplies. But no alternative was left but to do this, or go into winter quarters. The latter course could not be entertained for a moment, until one attempt had been made to strike an effectual blow against the enemy. To embarrass the movements of the battalion under my immediate command still further, notwithstanding my own exertions and those of the quartermaster's department, supplies had come forward barely fast enough to subsist the men and animals from day to day. I was therefore compelled to draw upon the quartermaster of the Southern Battalion for ten days' rations. Arrangements being completed for our march, on the morning of the 20th of November, two companies of the Southern Battalion, Capts. Williams' and Alcorn's, were ordered to proceed down the south side of Rogue River, crossing the mountains which separate that stream from Illinois Valley, and join the main body of our forces somewhere in the vicinity of Little Meadows. Two companies of the Northern Battalion, under Capts. Kinney and Buoy, had already proceeded down Grave Creek in advance of the main force. On the 21st, the residue of our force, consisting of Capts. Rice's and Wilkinson's companies, under Major Bruce, one company of regulars, under Capt. Judah, and [thirty-four men] a detachment of company A, of Lane County, under Capt. Bailey of my own battalion, took up the line of march from my headquarters at Camp Leland. Near the close of the first day's march I discovered three or four Indians on an elevated point of a mountain overlooking our route, which I then supposed, as it afterwards proved, to be a scouting party. Soon after camping an alarm was given and instant preparation made for an attack, caused by one of our guards, posted on the hill to guard the animals, firing upon and probably wounding one of this party.
    Our second day's march, across a very elevated ridge from Grave Creek to the mouth of Whiskey Creek, on Rogue River, was one of great difficulty, and attended with much fatigue, both to the men and their animals. Capts. Buoy and Kinney had reached here the day before. From the reports of the scouts, as well as from the appearance of a recent encampment at this place, I was no longer in doubt that the Indians were either retiring before our forces, or concentrating their strength at some point in the vicinity of the Meadows. We therefore determined to push forward to that point, notwithstanding the shortness of our supplies, for two reasons: the hope of soon falling in with the enemy, and the assurance of our guides that [an abundance of] grass would be found there for our animals. Accordingly, early on Saturday, the 24th of November, our forces were toiling to the summit of the narrow divide which leads from the mouth of Whiskey Creek to the Little Meadows, a distance of 12 or 14 miles. Our progress was much impeded by the thick growth of low brushwood which covers the summit of the mountain, and the fallen timber across the trail. In descending the mountain, just before reaching camp, the attention of Capt. Judah, who led the advance, was arrested by the appearance of a camp on the river to his left, some five or six miles. Upon consultation with the guides, Capt. Judah was informed that it was the point where Capt. Williams' [detachment] (before referred to) would strike the river in crossing the mountain from Illinois Valley. The number and character of the tents confirmed the impression of the guides that this detachment had reached the river in advance of us. About sundown we encamped upon a small tableland or jog in the mountains, which here, and for many miles below, sweeps down the river with a gentle declivity, and covered with a luxuriant growth of grass denominated the Meadows. It was determined to remain here until the location of the Indians could be certainly ascertained. Accordingly, early on the following morning scouts were dispatched up and down the river to discover their whereabouts, or any recent traces of their movements. Much to our surprise, about 10 o'clock the detachment of Capts. Williams and Alcorn was discovered descending the mountain on our trail of yesterday, having crossed Rogue River at the mouth of Whiskey Creek, some three hours after the main body left camp at that point. The doubt as to the character of our neighbors in the canyon above was at once cleared up. Thos. East, the scout who had been dispatched down the river, returned early in the afternoon, bringing no information except having discovered a few moccasin tracks, all leading up the stream. On a consultation with Major Bruce, Capt. Judah, of the regulars, and the captains of the several companies, a plan of attack was arranged for the following morning, Nov. 26th, subject in the meantime to be modified by the report of R. S. Belknap and James P. Barns, the spies who had ascended the river. It was near daylight of the next day after their departure, before their return, in consequence of which I felt some little apprehension for their safety. They had succeeded in approaching closely upon the Indians, by descending a sharp spur of the mountains fronting directly upon their encampment, on the opposite side of the river. As this point could only be gained safely after dark, the number of the Indians, or the character of the fortifications on which they were evidently [at work], could not be determined. That they were fully apprised of our presence, and making every preparation for defense, was not doubted. The position of the Indians was one of great natural strength. From the mouth of Whiskey Creek to the Meadows, the river threads its way at the bottom of a deep and uninterrupted canyon, formed on the south side of the river by a mountain running parallel to its course, very precipitous, and for the most part covered with a heavy growth of fir and pine, so thickly set with undergrowth as scarcely to be penetrated. On the north side the river is lined with a succession of serrated points or spurs, thrown off at right angles to the river from the ridge which our forces had traversed in reaching the Meadows. To reach the river in the neighborhood of the Indians, from the north, by descending along the bottom of one of the intervening gorges, was impossible; to do so by descending the spur fronting the hostile camp, before referred to, our scouts pronounced a work of extreme difficulty, and barely practicable.
    Capt. Judah had brought forward from Fort Lane, with great difficulty, a mountain howitzer with twenty rounds of shot and shell, which, in the hands of this experienced officer, could not fail to be very effective if a position could be gained to bring the Indians' works within range of the gun. In this particular, Capt. Judah was left to the guidance of his own judgment, with the assurance on the part of Major Bruce and myself of any support which he might need in addition to his force of regulars. Our first intention was to move under cover of night, but the guides were of the opinion that it would be impossible for the men to work their way in darkness across the gorges and through the dense undergrowth which covered the mountains for five or six miles--the distance to be traversed from a point opposite to our camp to the bar on which the Indians had fortified themselves. Our plan of attack was therefore to be put in execution as at first arranged. Maj. Bruce, with a force of about three hundred men, composed of the four companies of his own battalion, and one company--Capt. Kinney's--of the Northern Battalion, was to cross the river at the most practicable point nearly opposite the camp--once across, to extend his line as far up the mountain as possible, his left, Kinney's company [resting on the river], and Capt. Williams' formed the right.
    In this order he was to proceed up the river, and if successful in reaching the neighborhood of the Indians by a flank movement of his right to enclose their camp. At the same time myself with the residue of my battalion, about one hundred men, companies A and B, Capts. Bailey and Buoy, accompanied by Capt. Judah, with the howitzer and fifty regulars, were to retrace our last day's march, about six miles, at that point making a sharp turn to the right along the ridge which would lead us to the spur overlooking the village before referred to. We were informed that the mules used to transport the howitzer could travel within a half or three-quarters of a mile of the break of the ridge overlooking the river. At this place the summit of the mountain became so narrow and irregular as to admit of the passage of the men only by hewing steps in the shelving cliffs and broken [crown] of the ridge, and where a misstep would send the unfortunate footman to certain destruction. The point once reached, the descent was almost equally difficult. Capt. Judah, in the face of all these obstacles, was determined nevertheless to make the attempt to reach the only position where his piece would command the entire encampment of the Indians; and if found practicable, I had determined to throw a part of my force across the river under cover of the howitzer and thus in conjunction with Maj. Bruce to attack them in front and rear. The two divisions left camp early on the morning of the 26th and proceeded as rapidly as possible to their respective points of operation. About 2 o'clock in the afternoon, having reached a position that commanded a view of the river and canyon where Maj. Bruce was to cross, I was first [apprised] by the report of firearms at short intervals, of the opposition which his division had met with in attempting to cross the river. My first impression was that he had gained the timber on the opposite bank and [was] pushing skirmishing parties of the Indians before him towards the bar. It was near sundown when Capt. Judah and myself reached the point where we were to leave the transport mules. In the meantime the firing below had much increased and the appearance of small detachments of Bruce's command still on the north bank and a body of Indians swarming around a signal fire in plain view of us on a small open ridge that led down [to] the river on the south side about a mile below the ranches gave me pretty sure intimation that Maj. Bruce had been attacked in attempting to cross. Just at dark an express arrived from him confirming our worst fears, by informing us that he had been attacked in attempting to cross, and requested that Capt. Judah might return with the gun and cover a second attempt. It is due to Maj. Bruce here to say that the expressman totally misapprehended his message; that his object was only to notify myself and Capt. Judah; that he had been unable to proceed as anticipated; that no request was sent either for the gun or reinforcements.
    As any attempt to descend the mountain and make an attack from this side would be hazardous and fruitless without a cooperation on the other, I was reluctantly compelled to return to camp, as many of the men were much fatigued from the day's march. I left Capts. Bailey and Buoy encamped on the mountains. Capt. Judah and myself reached camp some hours after midnight, where we found Major Bruce, who had reached camp with his wounded soon after dark. For a detailed account of the operations of his division at the river, you will please see his report. Capt. Kinney, of my battalion, lost one man killed and one wounded. The remainder of the Northern Battalion reached camp early on the following day. Our field operations had now reached a crisis. Some movement was to be made and made quickly, either to make another attempt to dislodge the enemy or to retire to some point in reach of supplies.
    There were but three days' rations in camp on the 27th of Nov., and every appearance of an approaching storm. In the haste with which my command had been brought from the different posts on the call of Maj. Bruce, most of the tents and camp equipage had been left behind, the men, in active service since the date of their being called into the field, [had been] performing hard marches across mountains through rain and snow, and throwing themselves down at night without shelter or covering but their blankets, and poorly provided with those. [Most of them had been in active service since the date of their being called into the field and were now destitute.] Many were without shoes or boots and without clothing to protect them and scarcely enough to cover their nakedness.
    To pursue the first course, under the most favorable circumstances and with the greatest possible success that we could anticipate, would in any event throw upon our hands from 50 to 75 wounded men. To transport these across the mountains was impossible; to provide for such a contingency, by bringing up supplies to subsist a post at the Meadows during the winter season, was therefore a first and paramount object.
    Maj. Bruce and Capt. Judah, in view of these considerations, had already, on the 25th inst., sent an express to Fort Lane and [Camp Vannoy on the morning of the 25th to hasten forward supplies. With a similar] object, on the 28th [I] dispatched Adjutant R. E. Stratton, with an escort of forty men under Capt. Bailey, the escort upon reaching Grave Creek, to return with such trains as might be in readiness at that point. It was therefore determined to remain in our present position until the last moment. Mr. Stratton bore orders to Capts. Gordon and Chapman to repair with their respective companies immediately to the Meadows. Under an apprehension that the Indians, who were known to be somewhere on the waters of the Coquille or Cow Creek, might make a descent upon the settlements of the Umpqua, Mr. Stratton was left with discretionary orders for those companies, to retain them in the Umpqua if [necessary]. The precaution was found not unnecessary. On the 3rd day of December, a small party of the Cow Creeks attacked the settlements on the west of the South Umpqua, near Lookingglass Prairie, burning fifteen houses which had been abandoned by the inhabitants, killing a large amount of stock and destroying other property. On the morning of the 4th, they were attacked by a small party of citizen volunteers supported by a detachment of company A, under Sergeant Holland, and completely routed them with two of their number killed and [quite a number] known to have been wounded. One Mr. Price was wounded in defense of his house from the Indians, on the 3rd; Assistant Quartermaster General Cattleman, severely, in the attack upon the Indians on the 4th. My order to Capt. Chapman reached him at [Grave Creek. He immediately pushed on to] the Meadows, escorting the only supply train (Mr. [Fortner's]) in readiness at that point. I may here say that my battalion was much indebted for supplies to this active and efficient trainmaster. Capt. Chapman arrived at the Meadows on the 31st, bringing the intelligence to Capt. Judah that Capt. Smith, of Fort Lane, to whom he had sent for supplies, had come as far as the foot of the first mountain on the trail from Camp Leland, from which point, owing to the lateness of the season, the inclemency of the weather, and with a thorough knowledge of the country he had to traverse, he deemed it too hazardous to proceed further. Upon the receipt of this intelligence, Capt. Judah reluctantly announced his intention to return to Grave Creek.
    The snow was now falling rapidly, and the supplies which the last train brought were barely sufficient to provision the men to Camp Leland. Much as we regretted the course, necessity compelled Maj. Bruce and myself also to return to our respective headquarters. Owing to a doubt as to seniority of commission, neither Maj. Bruce nor myself felt authorized to assume the command of the regiment; yet, our intercourse with each other and with Capt. Judah, of the regulars, also, has been cordial and satisfactory. Since my last report, Adjutant J. W. Drew has resigned, and R. E. Stratton was appointed to fill the place on the 20th of Nov. I. N. Smith, Esq., and Mr. W. G. Hill have rendered me much assistance from time to time, as my aides. No important movement has taken place since my arrival at headquarters. My only object being to make such a disposition of my command as best to protect the road and settlements until such time as the Colonel of the regiment shall be elected under order of the Governor, of the ----- day of November.
By R. E. Stratton, Adjutant.
Table Rock Sentinel, Jacksonville, March 22, 1856, page 1    Corrections in brackets made from an original letter found in the Oregon State Archives, Yakima and Rogue River War, Document File B, Reel 3, Document 690.




    ROGUE RIVER VOLUNTEER FORCE.--Governor Curry has ordered the disbanding of all the militia force called out in Jackson County, Oregon, except one battalion, now under the command of Major James Bruce. The following are the names of the company officers composing the batallion, as published in the Sentinel:
    Company A, Capt. E. A. Rice; John S. Miller, 1st Lieut.; J. F. Anderson, 2nd Lieut. Company B, Capt. Robert L. Williams; H. O'Neil, 1st Lieut.; M. Bushey, 2nd Lieut. Company C, Capt. Wm. Wilkinson; C. F. Blake, 1st Lieut.; M. T. Whitman, 2nd Lieut. Company D, Capt. ------ Alcorn; no other officers reported.
Sacramento Daily Union, December 15, 1855, page 2


Shasta Courier, Shasta, California, December 22, 1855, page 3


    We are indebted to Mr. Hite, of this city, for the privilege of making the following extracts from a letter written to him by Dr. [William] Miller, now of Oregon, and formerly of this place. It will be gratifying to the many friends of the Doctor to read this memento from him.
    At this time our country is involved in an Indian war. The war commenced on the 8th day of October, 1855. On that day a party of Indians were attacked at the north end of the valley of Rogue River, and some twenty-seven Indians killed; one white man killed and eight wounded. On the morning of the 9th, a party of Indians passed the river on the opposite side of my house [near today's Grants Pass] and murdered men, women and children indiscriminately as they went, until they had gone about 16 miles below where we live; there they halted, and made a feast until Maj. Fitzgerald's command with a number of volunteers overhauled them, killing some and putting the others to flight. After[wards] they collected, in force about 200, in the mountains some thirty miles from us, and there gave battle to our army of about 800 men, and repulsed them two successful days, and finally our army had to leave them. The position of the Indians was such that they could not be approached without a heavier loss than was necessary. From this place the Indians moved to a place on Rogue River, called the Meadows, at which place they had better natural fortifications than the former. Our army was unsuccessful here also, and had to leave the enemy victors a second time. Our army then retired to winter quarters, snow having fallen on the mountains.
    On the 17th of October a company of volunteers, composed of the miners on Galice Creek, 15 miles below my house on Rogue River, were attacked by 150 Indians, and fought the Indians from early in the morning until dark, having two men killed and nine wounded. The volunteers were fortified and had but 15 effective guns besides revolvers. Some eight or ten Indians were supposed to be killed.
    On the 20th I was called to see the wounded, and remained with them 12 days, when they were moved up to my house, where I fitted up a hospital and took care of them until three of them died, one a Chinaman. The remainder recovered. I was in this business two months, and for a while expected to be continued in the medical staff, but not being in the dominant party, others of more congenial politics were chosen.
    A few days ago some twenty Indians were were found by four of our spies, who came upon the Indians so suddenly that they were discovered before they had time to secrete themselves; so that they had to go among the Indians and make terms of peace, agreeing to come back in a few days, bring the agent, and make a treaty with them. They then came in and reported, after which about 150 volunteers and fifty regulars went to attack the Indians, taking with them a mountain howitzer with which to throw bombs into the house where the Indians were. They attacked them and succeeded in throwing one shell into the house and killed three Indians, and had four men wounded.
    In the course of the night following, the enemy passed the sentinels and made their escape, leaving our soldiers to guard an empty house, and utterly failed to take the enormous number of 20 Indians! How will this compare with the battle of Tippecanoe.
    We have great officers and brave soldiers here, if we listen to their statements. I have been running my buggy to bring in the wounded until I have earned between two and three thousand dollars, which, with my medical services and grain I turned in to government, amounts to about as much more. I shall, perhaps, turn in more wheat at $4 per bushel.
    At the present time the whole of Oregon and Washington Territories are involved in war. In the North there are some two or three thousand Indians in the field, and in this part of the country not more than three hundred, but in their mountain fastnesses are equal to 1000 whites. They are cunning and well armed, and have a quantity of cattle, horses and mules which they have stolen. They have taken whole wagonloads of goods and whole cargoes from pack trains, so that they are well supplied with munitions of war. At present, we cannot tell when the war will close--it may last for six months or a year. It is drawing very hard on the people of this country; miners can't work, farmers are afraid to put in their crops lest they might be burned up, and many on the outskirts can't do anything, as they have to live in forts.
Wabash Express, Terre Haute, Indiana, March 12, 1856, page 1


    FROM OREGON.--Later news from Oregon and Northern California has been received. There is nothing of startling importance from either section. The Indians are still hostile in the Rogue River country, and the Crescent City Herald says there is but little hope of conquering a peace with them. A company of thirty men has been raised in Crescent City, and dispatched up the coast to the relief of the settlements on Rogue River. The settlers in Rogue River Valley have forwarded a petition to Gen. Wool, asking for 500 troops. . . .
    In Southern Oregon the Indians are stronger and more bold. In relation to the unfortunate women lately taken prisoners, the following has been learned: Mrs. Wagoner was killed at her residence. The Indians carried away her child, five years old. Mrs. Haines and child they kept some two or three weeks, and they died. They seemed desirous of keeping Mrs. Wagoner's child, but upon learning that the soldiers had taken two squaws, they massacred the child, also a half-breed of their own. A correspondent of the Portland Times says there are 600 Indians at the Meadows, the original party having been reinforced by 360 Klamaths, and are well fortified, having constructed walls and barricades of heavy timber and stones; they are ready to fight, and desire the combat; they say they will treat only upon terms of their own.
Los Angeles Star, March 22, 1856, page 2


    Gen. Wool, U.S.A., is now, as we learn, engaged in arranging preliminaries for a campaign against the Indians at an early day. We are informed that Gen. Wool will take the field as soon as he can concentrate a sufficient force, obtain the necessary supplies for his troops, and the weather will permit of a successful campaign.
    The Indian war has extended quite to Rogue River, where the inhabitants are in a state of the greatest alarm. A party of Indians from the Coos River had arrived at the ferry of the Coquille River, where, after taking possession of the boat, they killed several cattle, and the ferrymen were only saved by the intercession of a friendly Indian.
    The Indians around Port Orford were in subjection, owing to the presence of a considerable number of armed Americans residing there.
    From Coos Bay the news was equally exciting. The miners had organized themselves to repel an expected attack.
    The brigs Glencoe, Quadratus and Jackson were at anchor off the spit, awaiting a fair wind.
    The brig Cohansey, Higgins, reported ashore in the bay, had discharged her coals, and it was expected would be got off without damage.
    The Indians have been troublesome on the Umpqua River, where three vessels at anchor in the river had proceeded up to the town, expecting an attack from a fleet of canoes.
    At present the entire country, from Cape Blanco up to the Umpqua, is in a defenseless state. Arms and ammunition are scarce.
    It was feared that in case of an attack upon Empire City, Coos Bay, the Indians would burn the vessels at anchor there.
    The Indians at the Umpqua, Coos and Rogue rivers are well informed as to the movements of the northern tribes on the Columbia and in Washington Territory, which would indicate that they had constant communication with each other.
"Important from Oregon," Louisville Courier, Louisville, Kentucky, January 18, 1856, page 2


    *    *    *   You will excuse me for taking notice of the following, but it is too good to lose. T. McF. Patton was with the detachment moving to Cow Creek. T. says he ran a narrow risk. I was with him or near him all the way from Grave Creek to Smith's, and I am sure he never saw four Indians, and they shot at some hogs in an opposite direction to that of T. McF., but not at him or any man. Nothing of less caliber than a six-pounder could have reached him from the point where the Indians were and the point which Tom occupied momentarily. No more concerning small fry.
    The detachment stopped in Cow Creek Valley for three days, and were ordered to Grave Creek; there they joined Capt. Smith and Ross. A force of three hundred and seventy-eight men moved against the Indians in Grave Creek Hills, and on the 31st Oct. the Indians were discovered and attacked. Capt. Smith ordered a charge, which was faintly complied with. The fight became general, and every man was his own captain and fought on his own hook. We hauled off near dark and took quarters in the head of a ravine. On the morning of 1st Nov. the Indians attacked us. We fought them about two hours, and I think they found us as good in the brush as they were. While we were fighting in the morning. Dr. Henry assumed command and ordered a man to leave his position and take another, when the cub drew his rifle upon Henry and ordered him to leave there d----d quick, which order H. complied with in double-quick time.
    The whole force left the field and repaired to the Six Bit House, where features of various kinds presented themselves, such as Henry's retreat from the Six Bit House, &c.
    Capts. Buoy's and Bailey's companies were stationed here in the meantime; there were some aspiring lieutenants, who no doubt earnestly desired promotion, and true to Know-Nothing instincts were willing to sacrifice their best best friends to promote their own selfish purposes; they solicited Major Martin to order a new election, urging as a reason that the organization at the time Martin was elected was incomplete &c. The Major not desiring to command men who were unwilling to be commanded by him, and to use his own phrase, hoping a better man would be found, ordered a new election. A deputation was sent from Bailey's company to Buoy's, a caucus was held (nothing political, of course), and the result was that Capt. Bailey was selected to oppose Maj. Martin; not that the least objection could be found to Martin, but, as was said by "Sam," because "Bailey was a good Whig." In justice to Capt. Bailey, it might be said that he had nothing to do with this arrangement, yet at the same time, being present when the vote of his company was taken, he took good care not to decline, neither did he vote for Martin as it was understood he would.
    Now I for one can discern but little difference between honest morality and moral honesty, and I like to see the fair thing in politics as in everything else, and I must confess that as an unsuspecting Democrat I must say that I was inclined in the incipient stage of affairs to discard anything like political distinctions, and went in heartily voting for Know-Nothing and everything else, supposing all right. It did not occur to me that these Know-Nothings had adopted this stop-thief cry for the purpose of avoiding suspicion, but imagine my chagrin and disappointment in finding all the places of importance filled with the most obnoxious Know-Nothings in the land, with nothing to recommend them in the service save their liberality--bigotry, and well-known unpopularity with the people. It would seem that these very generous, liberal and anti-party gentlemen have well played their games, and have succeeded by a kind of hocus pocus management in getting all the offices.
    I learn that petitions are out for the removal of all Know-Nothings from office, holding any appointments from and under the Executive. I heartily concur in the principle.
    I have written before, but owing to some shenanigan in the commissary's department you have not received my communications. I will write again whenever I can interest you.
Oregon Statesman, Corvallis, December 1, 1855, page 1


    News reached Corvallis that Capt. Wright with twenty men attacked a party of Indians near Table Rock, killing thirty or forty, with the loss of only one man killed and four slightly wounded.
    Gov. Curry has ordered an election for colonel and other regimental officers for the southern regiment.


To his excellency Geo. L. Curry, Governor of Oregon Territory
    We the citizens of Cow Creek Valley & vicinity south of the Kanion would most respectfully represent to your excellency that we have suffered most sincerely from the outbreak of the Indians. Had it not have been for the prompt & efficient protection extended to us on the morning after the first outbreak of the Indians by the company organized by Capt. Rinearson & Doct. Henry, we have every reason to believe that ourselves & families would have shared the fate of those families who resided between Rogue River & Grave Creek House. Notwithstanding the exertions of those gentlemen and others acting with them, the merciless savages have burned the most of our dwellings, destroyed our stock & grain, but thank God our own lives and the lives of our women & children have been saved by the timely measures taken by Capt. Rinearson, who had been charged by Col. Ross with the protection of the country north of Rogue River, and so long as he was left in charge we felt secure in the possession of our lives and the little means of subsistence the Indians had left us, and everything seemed to be moving on harmoniously & with an energy & efficiency which promised a speedy termination of the war.
    We hailed the arrival of the Northern Battalion in our valley with much pleasure & freely surrendered into their hands for their subsistence the little forage & provisions the Indians had left us, not doubting that they would act promptly & cordially in unison with the company of Capt. Rinearson & the other companies of volunteers called into the field the day after the outbreak by Col. Ross. But in this reasonable expectation we have been disappointed.
    Instead of increasing our safety & bringing the war to a speedy conclusion (which would in our opinion have been the case, had Col. Ross been left in the field with his brave volunteers undisturbed), we find ourselves without protection and stripped of everything in the shape of subsistence for man & beast. The battalion having driven Capt. Rinearson from the field under the pretext of executing your order No. 10, and through their commander Major Martin most grossly insulted Col. Ross by addressing to him a most insolent note and driving from the hospital by military force Doct. Henry, who had established it by his order for the accommodation & comfort of the wounded in the battle fought by him on the 31st of Oct. & 1st of Nov. After having eat out our substance [sic] many of them have returned through the Canion, and we have reason to fear the remainder will soon follow, leaving the main body of the Indians undisturbed within 8 or 10 miles of us & hourly threatening our destruction.
    In our judgment the only satisfactory explanation for all this is to be found in the fact of the "tocsin" of party being sounded for the first time on the arrival of Major Martin & Adjutant Genl. Lamerick, who assumed to speak & act for your excellency in all matters connected with the war, and who publicly proclaimed the doctrine laid down by the Oregon Statesman of the 3rd instant (viz.) "That no man who voted for Genl. Gaines at the election in June last are to hold any office in the army."
    We the undersigned Democrats, Whigs & Americans enter our most solemn protest against a doctrine so destructive to all union & harmony, a great outrage upon the rights & privileges of those with whom we honestly differ politically, at war with every principle of republican government, to which if sanctioned by your excellency would of necessity drive from the army every man that does not glory in the name of a Progressive Democrat.
    We therefore most earnestly pray your excellency to disavow the doctrine promulgated in your name & by your authority and thus strangle in its infancy a doctrine not only fraught with great & mighty evils, but which if once established will not only disorganize the army now in our midst & from whom we have a right to claim protection, but drive us from our homes to seek a shelter & protection among strangers, and what is worse than all convert into enemies those with whom we differ in political sentiment, and who in times past have stood shoulder to shoulder in our struggle for independence in the War of 1812, and in our late glorious war with Mexico, and which union in times of danger we hope and trust will ever characterize us a united republican people.
    We have placed opposite our names our party designations, to satisfy your excellency that no party consideration has prompted this communication.
Very respectfully,
    Your obedient servants

	Amos Snow, Dem.	McD. Harkness, Democrat
	William Perry, Whig	Dr. H. Eccleston, W.
	Richard Allen, Dem.	R. Burruh, Whig
	John Warner, Dem.	George Wright, Dem.
	P. Dayley, Democrat	John Blankenship, W.
	Wm. Reeves, Whig	Isaac N. Bentley, Whig
	John Massey, Dem.	Frank G. Scarborough, Free
	Robert Laing, Dem.	Geo. L. [illegible]
	John Reilly	C. C. Bray, Dem.
	Wm. Hand, Democrat	B. F. Sargent, Dem.
	Badly Wounded in Fight
	Jas. H. Twogood, Whig
	John Redfield, Dem.
	Daniel M. Boon, Whig
	Thos. H. Birch, Whig
	Henry Smith, Dem.
	Wm. Geary

Oregon State Archives Military Department Papers 89A-12, Petitions folder 29/18.  Undated.


    MISTER DRYER--Sir--I see all the fellows are a-writing to you, so I don't see why I can't write some too, for I live out here and know about what's a-going on as well as any of them. I have been threatening to write you for some time, because I see some of the fellows that write for the Bush (I mean the Statesman) tell things that aren't altogether so. Well, in the first place, I see Bush knowing all about our country, better than we do that have lived out our 4 years here in the hills. Well, to begin back, I see Bush printed a piece written Oct. 20th by one of the fellows calling himself "Sober Sense," but they call him "Doc [Andrew Jackson] Kane" out here. [I] think if he had signed his name "damn fool" he'd have hit it. Well, he goes on to tell how the men pitched into the Indians on the reserve in the first place, murdering the women and children, and that's the cause of the Indians commencing to kill the white women and children. Well, if folks are fools enough to believe all Bush's writers, it's all right, but I think there's some that have got "common sense." I notice "Angus Brown" make "young Doc" take water one day up in Jackson. Some of Bush's writers say that after the whites killed the women up Rogue River, as soon as the Indians heard it below they commenced doing the same thing, and that was what made them do it. Now, this is all a mistake--in other words, it is false as hell. I think I ought to know, for I've been here all the time. As for its being a contrived plan of the settlers of Rogue River to have the pesky Indians break out and kill them all, that looks reasonable, too. So I'll go on since I began and tell you all about it. Well, it was a contrived plan of the Indians to break out, and they had the thing all set for weeks, yes, for months, beforehand; in the first place, the Indians had it fixed to break out on Monday night (the same day the poor Indians were murdered up Rogue River). They were to begin their hellish work on Rogue River and Evans' ferry and kill all the Bostons and burn all the houses, barns and grain between there and the south end of the canyon, and then run into the mountains, taking plenty of muckamuck ["food"] with them to do for a long time &c. But to commence with, on Monday they stole a keg of whisky, got so tight that they weren't able for service, so they had to delay their business till morning. The thing was all understood from one end of the country to the other. The Grave Creek and Cow Creek Indians all understood it, and were told that if they did not turn out and help, they would all be killed by the Rogue Rivers and Shastas, so just as quick as the Grave Creeks got the wawa ["word"] they broke right down the creek too and commenced killing the miners. All this, Mister Editor, can--be--proved--and sworn to, if necessary.
    I see Bush has a piece printed in his paper of [December] the one, written in Jackson County; the fellow calls his name "Edgar." He begins writing with a lot of stars [ellipsis asterisks]. I cumtux ["understand"] jargon, but that beats me. He says "You will excuse me for taking notice of the following, but it is too good to lose. T. McF. Patton was with the detachment moving [to] Cow Creek. T. says he ran a narrow risk" &c., no more concerning small fry &c. Wonder if he, Edgar, doesn't consider himself a salmon; if he doesn't, others do. Wonder if "detachment" ain't a new name he has got for the mail. Bill Abbott is the boy's name that was carrying the mail through, and Mr. Patton and 2 or 3 other gentlemen were traveling down to the valley in company with him. [I] think if Edgar had been with or near Mr. P. at the crossing of Cow Creek, he'd have smelled Indians, and perhaps powder. Edgar says they shot at some hogs in an opposite direction, and not at Mr. P. or any other man. We all know the Indians just now are most damned careless, and would just as leave shoot a fellow right in the face as anywhere. And Bill Abbott tells altogether a different story. He then goes on with a lingo about the battle. Wonder who hired  him to take items and write; [he] has a good deal to say about Doc. Henry, but from all accounts Mr. H. did as much service as any one of them, and I think he will stand fire better than a whole "detachment" of Edgars.
    I ain't got time to write any more now, but if some of Bush's writers don't dry up their infernal lying, I'll kind of come down on some of them, and so on. If anyone asks you who wrote this, tell him it was one of the Jackson County boys, and an old residenter; a Know-Nothing took it from my forefathers the natural way and it stuck in.
Weekly Oregonian, January 5, 1856, page 1  The letter was printed in illiterate "dialect," which has been regularized for clarity and searchability.


    SIR: I had the honor to receive yesterday, through General Kibbe, your communication of the 19th instant, relating to the protection of the people of Crescent City.
    In reply, it affords me pleasure to say that not only your wishes, but those of the people of that city, were anticipated some two months since, when I ordered a detachment of fifty men for their protection. This force is now there, under the command of Captain D. F. Jones, a very efficient officer, who, no doubt, will be able to defend them in any attack that may be meditated by the few remaining Indians in that section of California. I would further remark that it is my intention, should it be deemed necessary, to send another company for the protection of the inhabitants of that region and Rogue River Valley. These, with the three companies at Forts Lane and Jones, one at Humboldt, and another at Port Orford, constituting a force of more than four hundred regulars, will, I trust, be all sufficient to protect the people of Southern Oregon and Northern California from Indian barbarities, without the aid of volunteers, especially as I am well informed that there are not now to exceed one hundred, at most, one hundred and twenty-five Indians in arms in all that region, against the whites. It is, however, greatly to be regretted that there are too many white inhabitants, both in Oregon and Northern California, who go for exterminating the Indians, and, consequently, do not discriminate between friends and foes, the result of which has been the cause of the death of many innocent and worthy citizens both in Southern Oregon and in Northern California. Could the citizens be restrained from private war, I have no doubt peace and quiet would soon be restored to the people of that region of country.
    Captain Judah, who has been exceedingly active and efficient in his efforts to protect the inhabitants on the frontier, says in his report, before me, of the second of November, that "the recent murders by Indians of women and children in Rogue River Valley were literally retaliatory of; and immediately succeeded, the massacre by Major Lupton (a volunteer) and his party of eighteen Indian women and children, out of twenty-five killed." These were friendly Indians, going on to the reserve for protection.
    Captain Judah further says that "the Scotts Valley Indians, unless located upon the military reserve, are at any moment liable to an attack similar to that made by Major Lupton, and the whites, in the valley and its vicinity, to the same deplorable results. The Indians have as yet enjoyed no opportunity of laying in food for the winter, and the necessity for provision of some kind in the way of blankets and clothes is imperative." Such are the fruits of private warfare. In most cases, the innocent and most worthy are the sufferers.
    It seems to me that with the ample means furnished by the United States for the Indians in California, something might be done for the Scotts Valley Indians. It is a cruel policy to leave these poor creatures in so miserable a condition, more especially as they have, under all circumstances, remained friendly to the whites. The Superintendent of Indian Affairs says he is not authorized to give assistance to any Indians who will not go upon reserves.
    All who are acquainted with the Indian character know that they cling with great pertinacity to the land of their forefathers and of their nativity, and these Indians, then, will not do the bidding of the Superintendent so long as they can possibly exist without compliance. Last fall I called his attention to this tribe with the hope that he would lend an assisting hand, but he declined for the reason above given. I then asked him if he would receive them on the Tehama reserve, if I could get them to remove. He answered in the affirmative. I sent my aide-de-camp Lieutenant Bonnycastle, who was well acquainted with, and had exerted considerable influence over them, to remove them. They, however, refused to leave their country. I have thought proper to say this much in relation to the Scotts Valley Indians, because I have been informed that the Superintendent had said that I had taken upon myself to manage them and he thought he would not interfere. I have no authority whatever to interfere, nor means to provide for the Indians. It belongs exclusively to the Indian Department, and it was the special duty of Colonel Henley to have looked after these naked and miserable creatures. He had the means to provide for them, and he might at least have made an effort to remove them, which he refused to do when I offered my services in his aid if they could be induced to remove.
    In conclusion I have only to remark that I shall ever be ready to cooperate with your excellency in any measure that will, in any respect whatever, tend to preserve and protect the inhabitants of the frontiers of California from Indian barbarity.
    I have the honor to be, with considerations of the highest respect, your obedient servant,
His Excellency J. N. JOHNSON,
    Governor of California.
Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Congress, 3rd session, 1857, pages 103-104


    SIR: I have the honor to enclose herewith a copy of the answer of Colonel Henley, Superintendent of Indian Affairs in this state, to my communications to him forwarded through your office.
    Colonel (Henley) should be, and is, acquainted with the duties of the Indian Department in this state. I must, however, confess my surprise at their limited character, and according to the statement of Colonel Henley that their exercise is confined to the administration of Indian affairs upon an established reserve. I had supposed that the necessary preliminaries to the removal of Indians upon a reserve, including their preparation for the so serious a change to them, was one of the most delicate, it not difficult, portion of the duties appertaining to the Indian Department. It however appears from the letter of Colonel Henley that such is not the case, and that the Indian Department passively awaits upon their reserves the reception of Indians who may be pleased to claim the privileges which they are said to afford. How the Indians are to be reconciled to the relinquishment of their homes, what inducements are to be legally offered them, how the expenses of their removal are to be provided for, Colonel Henley does not pretend to say or advise upon; his silence in reference to these details is appropriate, if, as he states, or at least plainly intimates, that his duties are restricted to the receptions of Indians who may present themselves for admission upon the reserve.
    I beg to be excused for having been thus explicit in making the above deductions from the communications of Colonel Henley; for a correct understanding of his views and intentions, particularly in reference to the Scotts Valley Indians, is necessarily preliminary to any steps which may be taken towards their permanent disposition.
    A small band of the Scotts Valley Indians, under a sub-chief named Jack, has for some time past evinced a disposition, if not actually hostile, by no means pacific. With a view to prevent, if possible, any communication with the hostile Indians, I have insisted upon their close and continued residence upon the military reserve, where I could easily detect any attempt at such, as well as any disposition to change their existing friendly relations towards the whites. Some two weeks since Jack, with his small party of six, without my knowledge or consent, removed from the Indian camp upon the reserve to the hills, some four miles distant. Upon sending after him he left the rancheria and appeared upon the hills with his men, all armed with rifles, which hitherto had been kept concealed, while I was led to believe that all the guns had been given up to me. Without entering into tedious details, I will merely state that I succeeded, without making any promises of pardon, in getting in his party, who delivered to me their guns. I confined three of them for a few days, but released them, aware that without the influence of Jack they were powerless.
    Jack has ever been a bad Indian, and but for the absence of cooperation would ere this have taken up arms against the whites. I am perfectly satisfied that as soon as spring opened he intended to commence his depredations; indeed, he has since his confinement confessed to me that during my absence in Rogue River Valley he was visited by hostile Indians living in the vicinity of the Cave, his movement, as above stated, was made with a view to more frequent and unrestrained intercourse of the same description, preparatory to a descent upon the whites in this valley in the spring. Under these circumstances, I have him, with another, one-eyed Indian, equally as bad, ironed and in close confinement, and shall never feel justified in releasing him, his previous intentions being now confirmed and strengthened by revengeful feelings induced by his confinement.
    The public interest demands that some permanent and safe disposition should be made of the Scotts Valley Indians before the opening of the spring. Although, if unmolested by whites, and while actually present among them, I will be answerable for their good conduct, they may, under other circumstances, become infected with the hostile feelings which seem to be general among the entire race, and inducements will, no doubt, as they have been, be offered them to join their hostile brethren. I cannot safely allow them their usual range, while at the same time it would be cruel to withdraw the supply of food. I have been obliged to furnish them, without restoring their guns, with which to supply themselves, and this I cannot, under any circumstances, do. I therefore respectfully request some specific instructions as to what steps I may take with a view to their location upon one of the reserves. I would advise that two of their number be allowed to visit both the Nome Lackee reservation and that upon the Klamath, under charge of an officer, and that they be led to believe that a choice between the two is imperative, otherwise their strong attachment to the land of their birth will render their removal, except by force, impossible. I have no doubt but that hostilities will be resumed by the Indians in the spring with a renewed vigor, and should not be at all surprised at the occurrence of depredations in Scotts Valley, a contingency which will seriously compromise the safety of the Scotts Valley Indians, let their relations towards the whites be of ever so peaceful a character.
    Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Major E. D. TOWNSEND, U.S.A.,
    Assist. Adjt. Gen. Dept. of Pacific, Benicia, Cal.
Ex. Doc. 76, 34th Congress, 3rd session, 1857, pages 108-110


    THE NORTHERN INDIANS.--From the Table Rock Sentinel of January 26th, we glean the following:
    Friend Taylor:—I have just returned from the battle ground on Murphy's branch, a tributary of Applegate, and I hasten to give you a short description of the fight:
    On the 21st last, Maj. Bruce and Capt. Alcorn, with twenty-five men, were trailing two Indians, who led them unexpectedly onto a large Indian rancheria, and in a few moments, to their surprise, they were completely surrounded. They would have been nearly all massacred, but for the timely aid of Lieut. Armstrong, who fortunately came to their relief.
    After much hard fighting on both sides the Indians gave back with considerable loss. Our loss was one man killed, viz: William Bash of Capt. O'Neal's co., severely wounded in the arm. The whites also lost twelve horses, which were captured by the Indians. Dr. Danforth's horse was shot in the engagement. The men drew off a short distance to await reinforcements. Col. Williams left here this morning with a few men to join Major Bruce, and they will resume the fight as soon as the Indians can be overtaken. The number of the Indians is supposed to be from seventy five to a hundred.
Sacramento Daily Union, February 13, 1856, page 2


    "The risk going from here to Fort Lane is much greater now than formerly, obliging us to keep a guard along, the route being infested with Indians and broken-down gamblers. There was an engagement January 22nd, fourteen miles beyond the Fort, in which the Indians were again successful--a party of thirty of them having surrounded half that number of whites. Lieut. Sweitzer had gone to their relief, and had not returned when our express left the Fort. The transit by way of Crescent City is very precarious. Three whites were killed."
Daily Alta California, San Francisco, February 5, 1856, page 2


    Assuming that Mr. Mosher's request covers only the earlier period relating to military affairs in Oregon, i.e., from the close of the war with Mexico in 1848 to the beginning of the War of the Rebellion in 1861, it is respectfully remarked that the Congressional documents containing the annual reports of the Secretary of War, including the reports of the genl. comdg. the army, genls. Hitchcock and Wool and other officers contain much valuable historic information about Oregon not only on military but also on civil matters, Indian affairs &c.
    These reports are contained in:
    Ex. Doc. #1 H.R. 30th Congress 2nd Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 Senate 31st Congress 1st Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 Senate 31st Congress 2nd Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 Senate 32nd Congress 1st Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 Senate 32nd Congress 2nd Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 Senate 33rd Congress 1st Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 Senate 33rd Congress 2nd Session
    Ex. Doc. #1 H.R. 34th Congress 1st Session
    Ex. Doc. #5 Senate 34th Congress 3rd Session
    Ex. Doc. 11 Senate 35th Congress 1st Session
    Ex. Doc. 1 Senate 35th Congress 2nd Session
    Ex. Doc. 2 Senate 36th Congress 1st Session
    Ex. Doc. Senate 36th Congress 2nd Session
    Senate Misc. Doc. #29 contains the history of the Cayuse outbreak and subsequent war 1847 & 48. Reference is also made to Ex. Doc. (HR) 1 Session 32 Congress Vol. 2 Part 1, containing correspondence concerning condition of military and Indian affairs in Oregon particularly covering period of Rogue River Indian War. Vol. XII Ex. Doc. (HR) 1 Session 33rd Congress contains a published report of the Sec. of War transmitting estimate of expenses in connection with vols. engaged in suppressing Indian hostilities in Rogue River Valley.
    Minor reports not published in the documents above mentioned are in file in this office, to get those off the files will consume a short time, say two or three days.
    The War Dept. Library contains several works on Oregon from which valuable notes might be obtained for Mr. M., but as the Library is in a chaotic condition owing to the late move, these books will not be accessible for several months.
    Much information could be obtained from the shelves of the Congressional Library.
    The documents, about 15 or 20 vols., are ready for inspection, and the manuscript reports will be collected if required in addition.
    Instructions are respectfully requested.
Undated, after 1861. Joseph Lane Papers, Lilly Library.


hostilities had been agreed upon by the Indians. An wrong erroneous impression relative to the strength a[nd] wealth of the Indians of the Upper Columbia and all Northern Oregon has gone abroad. They are an athletic, shrewd and bloodthirsty race of people. They are skillful well armed with the best Hudson Bay rifles--each warrior also having his holster of pistols, in the use of which they [are] very skillful.
    These Indians invariably fight on horseback--they are mounted on the best horses, trained for that purpose, and more expert riders are nowhere to be found. They dash up at full speed as near as they dare approach, fire sometimes while sitting on their horses, at other times from under their horse's neck, lying close to their sides--at others dismounting, take rest off their saddles [i.e., resting their rifles on their saddles]. They will on no occasion during an engagement separate more than forty twenty steps from their horses. They are also very wealthy as the following statement found in a cache, or hiding place, by some of the volunteers & written in French, doubtless by some of the missionaries, shows the wealth and strength of a few of the small bands of the Upper Columbia--

		Lodge	Men	Horses	Cattle
	Rock Island	25	150	800	100
	Chimiwumpeno [Chimnapum?]	10	66	350	60
	Yakimas	50	300	1000	400
	Palouse	30	180	2000	500
	Walla Walla	22	112	3000	1000
	Long Islands	10	60	400	50
	Umatillas	30	180	1500	400
	Taich	30	180	400	--
	Dalles	30	180	700	100
	John Days	10	40	200	100
	Deschutes	20	120	300	--

    Yakimas on the north side by their own accts. can bring from 12 to 1500 warriors in the field.
Undated fragment, circa 1856. Joseph Lane Papers, Lilly Library.


    Gen. A. J. Smith, one of our dashing military leaders of the West, is a man nearly fifty years old; he wears glasses; his hair is white, or rather grizzly; he speaks quickly, moves briskly, is nervous and restless. He is a man of small stature, comely of dress, and abrupt in his address, though kind of heart, the officers of his command say.
"Miscellaneous Items," Boston Traveler, February 3, 1865, page 2


    The Oregon and Washington Indian War followed in the fall of 1855, and upwards of thirty volunteer companies were engaged in this war.
    The Governors of Oregon and Washington Territories differed with General Wool as to the mode and manner of prosecuting the war of 1855. The Governors were in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war of 1855-6. General Wool refused to prosecute the war during the early part of the winter. They denounced each other like bitter partisan editors of newspapers. The whole expenses of the volunteers of both territories, and their pay, became involved in the bitter feud between their Governors and General Wool, so it took Gen. Lane and the Delegate from Washington Territory both upwards of five years to explain these differences, and to get Congress to appropriate two millions eight hundred thousand dollars to pay the expenses of the war of 1855.
    This act passed Congress on the 2nd day of March, 1861, just before the commencement of the rebellion. Since that time no one asked Congress to pay the volunteers of 1854, until Mr. Henderson some time during the summer of 1866 introduced a bill, which failed in the press of business at the close of the session. Mr. Mallory also, in the summer of 1868, introduced a bill in the House which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, who instructed Hon. Henry D. Washborn, one of the Committee, to report the bill favorably, providing for the payment of these expenses. The bill was amended and prepared by Mr. Washborn, and it remained in his hands, ready to report one or two weeks before the adjournment of the last Congress, but owing to the press of other business Mr. Washborn could not get the floor to make the report. Thus the business has been twice delayed for want of time.
    Another great reason why these volunteers have not been paid by Congress is that the members have confounded our little war of 1854 with the great Indian war of 1855-6, and the bitter feud which grew out of the latter war between General Wool and the Governors of Oregon and Washington Territories. This little war has so far been wholly eclipsed by the great Indian war of 1855-6.
    They really have nothing whatever to do with each other. The latter created a large debt amounting to several millions of dollars. The claim of 1854 is but a few thousand dollars. In the war of 1855-6 Gen.Wool refused to order the regulars out of winter quarters. In 1854 he ordered all the forces under his command in the vicinity of those roads, to protect the emigrants; and the regulars who could be spared from other duties, twenty-six in number, were in active service in the field in 1854, as long as any of the volunteers. The regulars and volunteers acted in concert from the time of the news of the Ward massacre until the emigration arrived at the Dalles, and then all the volunteers were discharged.
    In 1855 General Wool charged the whites and the Governors of making war. In 1854 he made no such charges, but he and the Governor of Oregon acted in concert, as they should have done, to protect America citizens on American soil.
    Great and good men have differed as to the cause of the Indian War of 1855, and of prosecuting it to a successful termination. Gen. Wool may have honestly thought the winter season in Oregon no time to fight Indians. The Governors of Oregon and Washington Territories thought otherwise. Gen. Wool charged the whites in 1855 with commencing the war. The Methodist Conference passed resolutions to the contrary in these words:
    "Whereas, our Territories have been the theatre of a disastrous Indian war during the past year; and whereas, an impression has, by some means, been made abroad that the people of Oregon and Washington have acted an unworthy part in bringing it on. Therefore,
    "Resolved. That, although there may have been occasional individual instances of ill-treatment of the Indians, by irresponsible whites, it is the conviction of this body of ministers, whose field of labor has been in all parts of the Territories at the beginning and during the continuance of the war, that the war has not been wantonly and wickedly provoked by our fellow citizens, but that it has been emphatically a war of defense; and the defense was deferred as long as Christian forbearance would warrant." Senate Misc. Doc. No. 59, 1st Session 36th Congress, page 48.
    We cordially agreed with these resolutions as to the war of 1855. The Indians west of the Cascade Mountains have generally been comparatively peaceable and quiet, and they may have been sometimes barbarously treated by lawless whites. The Indians on the Coast Range of the mountains on Rogue River and Willamette valleys have ever been more indolent and less disposed to work or fight than the Indians east of the Cascade Mountains. But neither has ever paid but little regard to the eighth commandment, which enjoins upon us not to steal; on the contrary, they have often stolen the stock and cattle of the weak and worn-out emigrant.
    We would earnestly request Congress to distinguish between the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains, and those east of the mountains.
    Until long after the volunteers of 1854 were discharged, it was never asserted by anyone that it was the wickedness of the whites which caused the hostilities of the Indians east of the Cascade Mountains. No one ever wrote or said that the volunteers or whites were the first aggressors, and that they provoked the Indians to hostilities on these emigrant roads prior to 1855.
    These murders and massacres arose from no wickedness or vices of the whites, but from the disposition of the Indians to steal, and plunder, and their determination to exterminate the whites, and to prevent them from passing through and from settling the country.
    From the organization of our government up to the present time no part of the United States has been so little protected as the citizens of Oregon were from 1841 to 1855.
    To save Oregon from the claws of the British Lion, Congress commenced
encouraging emigration to Oregon by passing acts and resolutions, sometimes in the Senate, at other times in the House, from 1840 to 1846, guaranteeing to our citizens 640 acres of land to all who would emigrate to Oregon; and in 1850 by substantially complying with these resolutions and bills by making generous donations of land to settlers in Oregon; yet, up to 1855, not a foot of land had been purchased from the Indians between the Missouri River and the Cascade Mountains, The discovery of gold added fresh impetus to emigration, and thousands of our citizens settled among the Indians before a single foot of land had been purchased from the Indians. The Indians saw that the circle of country upon which they had been accustomed to conduct the hunt and the chase was rapidly contracting. To use their own words "the Bostons"* were advancing with rapid steps towards their accustomed haunts, and they and the buffalo, elk and deer were alike driven back. In 1854, they saw the pressure coming upon them in two opposite directions, from the Pacific as well as from the Atlantic, and taking possession of their country without any remuneration whatever. (*These Indians call all whites "Bostons" because the first vessel they ever saw was from Boston.)
    In every other country except Oregon and California our government has made treaties with the Indians for their lands before she encouraged her citizens to pass through or settle in the Indian territory. Generally before the whites were allowed to settle in an Indian country, our government adopted a munificent system of distributing annual and semiannual presents to the Indians, and attempted to induce them to abandon their wandering pursuits of the hunt and the chase, and engage in agricultural avocations as a means of subsistence, before a foot of land was set apart.
Petition of B. F. Dowell and Others, Oregon Sentinel Office Print, Jacksonville, Oregon 1869, pages 11-13


    From Mr. Miller, who came down from Chetco on the 4th inst., we learn that everything is quiet in that quarter as far as the whites and Indians are concerned. Some ten of the younger members of a rancheria, however, have attacked the chief and the older portion of the tribe for the sake of plunder, it would seem, killed three on the 27th ult., and afterwards took to the woods.
     Some packers with a train of twenty mules came safely over the mountains lately. They inform us that, according to a report circulated in Illinois Valley about the 5th inst., volunteers had descended on the southern bank of Rogue River, a distance of 60 miles below Vannoy's, and when opposite the encampment of the hostile Indians at the "Big Meadows" commenced the construction of rafts with a view of crossing the river. The Indians opened fire upon them, killing one of their men and wounding six others.
    We have no news whatever from the seat of war in Rogue River Valley. The troops have been slowly concentrating and preparing for an attack upon the Indians at the "Big Meadows," down on Rogue River. The hostile bands appear to be still gathered in that neighborhood, and we hope the troops will be able to keep them there until they can be killed or starved out. Through the mining districts comparative quiet and security is restored, and if a decisive blow is dealt upon the enemy we may look forward to a speedy revival of business in all its branches. It is to be hoped that the 500 regulars and volunteers may accomplish something in that direction.
Del Norte Record, Crescent City, June 3, 1893, page 1




    The army now returned to headquarters at Fort Vannoy to recruit and get ready for the next expedition, when our scouts, chief of whom is now again our late Colonel Williams (now only Colonel Bob), again located them in a heavy wooded country opposite the upper end of the Big Meadows on Rogue River. All ready now for the renewal of the conflict at the Meadows with our gallant Colonel Williams still at the head of the army, though just now fresh from the scenes of the scout. We now move in warlike style for the scenes of the coming fray opposite the Big Meadows, hopeful of success this time. Arrived at the Meadows, we made camp for the night in the middle of that open and extensive meadow, with a strong guard all round us to prevent any attempt of the cowardly foe, who, not now more than a mile distant from us, did not dare to attack us, but under cover of their heavily wooded and brush-environed camp lay quietly during the night, wondering, I suppose, how we were on the morrow to cross the river and meet them face to face, and the sequel shows how vainly we strove to cross the river in the face of their well-selected place of defense.
    On the morrow, at the sound of the bugle call, all hands were up and preparing the morning meal, with a noonday lunch, while engaged in an almost hand-to-hand encounter with the Indians in their stronghold. During the night, on our side of the river, the movements for the morrow were all arranged. Fully equipped for a day of hard work, the army, with the exception of a few campkeepers, were to march down to the river and of the drift logs that lay on the bank of the stream were to construct a raft on which the army could be rafted over into the timber, where it would have an equal fight with the redskins, and while the axmen were at work on the raft the balance were sitting on the high ground overlooking them. Very unexpectedly to all hands, a report as of the exploding of a gun cap was heard as if from across the river, and immediately followed by the loud report of a gun from the same direction. At once the whole force of the men on the side of the hill were on the run for the river, where they might find shelter among the rocks and logs and trees abounding there, a few of us stopping on the hillside to take advantage of the rocks and small trees there for shelter. Here myself and another young man took our chance for safety behind a tree whose body was not more than half as large as our bodies, and soon the rifle and yager balls came whizzing past us and some lighting in rather ominous proximity to our faulty retreat, my partner left me and ran for a better shelter among the rocks and trees at the river. When about halfway down, his arms flying high above his head, a yager ball struck and broke one of them, when he tumbled over and lay there for a moment only. On seeing the man fall the reds on the opposite side of the river were made jubilant with the glad shouts of the happy Indians hidden among the trees over the river. Well, now I was left alone, sheltered only by that little tree. As long as I stayed there I was a standing target for the bullets of the enemy, and if I run I may get shot as my comrade did, or I may be killed, and I said I will run. And asking the protection of my Heavenly Father, which was my everyday rule from childhood, I ran, not with Indians behind me, but with scores of them in front of me, all anxious to take my life, and I came out of the difficulty unscathed.
    A few hours later myself and another comrade were sent as an escort with the broken-armed man to camp. And still a few hours later the whole command returned to camp. And why not? Does any reasonable person suppose that under the conditions just now brought to light, the army could have crossed the river on an open raft with that band of Indians in front of them and perfectly concealed from view? It could not have done any such thing, for supposing that in its sheltered position, out of sight of the Indians, it could have completed the raft and, loading it with men, sent it afloat on the water, where it now floats out in full view of the Indians, before it could be landed on the Indian side of the river every man on it would be killed and the raft would become the property of the Indians, to be used in the defense of themselves. Such, doubtless, it seemed to the command of the army, and it returned to headquarters to think of the difficulties of waging an Indian war in a mountainous and heavily timbered and brush-covered country, and in studying how best to keep the enemy quiet until peace could be brought about in some successful way.
Albert G. Rockfellow, "Old Indian Wars," Ashland Tidings, October 7, 1912, page 4


    The Yreka Union of December 22 gives the following extract from the Table Rock Sentinel.  No date of the last-named paper is stated, but probably the news refers to a week or ten days earlier than the date of the Union itself:
    "Since our last issue no material change has occurred in the condition of things. The mountains by which the position of the Indians is fortified are covered by a depth of snow which, for the present, precludes the idea of reaching them, and until the obstacle is removed by natural causes, it is difficult to conceive what movements can be made against them. Their position is probably the best that could be chosen in this region--about forty miles from the Grave Creek House, on a flat or bar, on the south side of Rogue River. In the rear of their camp rises a precipitous mountain divide, along the flanks of which descend to the river ravines of heavy fir timber and thick undergrowth, to which they can retreat when attacked, or from which they can effectively assail a column of men descending upon their camp along the divide.
    "Opposite, on the south side of the river, is the point of a steep, narrow, rocky spur of the mountain, which they evidently suppose could not be traversed at all by the troops, and would be, by most men, pronounced inaccessible. The divide of this spur is the ground over which Captain Judah was to take the howitzer, and much of the distance of which he did actually overcome when executing the late plan of attack. The movement was prosecuted so far as to demonstrate its practicability, though that is admitted to be due more to the characteristic energy of that officer and his men than anything favorable in the nature of the ground. Below and above the camp the mountains close in and abut upon the stream in high, steep walls, forming what are known as the "Canyons," while the whole south bank is covered by a dense growth of timber. They are thus surrounded by barriers which it is almost impossible to pass in the face of a wily and desperate foe, and in a time of storms and deep snows, like the present, effectually shelter them from any force that can be brought against them. The plan of attack upon which the crossing of the river was attempted was undoubtedly the best which the circumstances admitted, and might have been successful, but could only have been made so by hard fighting.
    "The troops had but two or three days' provisions, and were three days from the depot on Grave Creek, and to have followed up the effort to cross the river against the guns of several hundred warriors, whom they found occupying the forest on the opposite bank, then to find themselves in a situation in which the enemy would enjoy every advantage, and the plans could not possibly be carried out, would have been the extreme of folly. In retiring they met a provision train trying to reach them, but found the snow on the mountain in some places very deep, and decided it would be impracticable to return to the river or to operate when there, and so were compelled to abandon the enterprise until circumstances were more favorable for its prosecution.
    "The troops are now in quarters and stationed to cover the settlements and roads. Captain Rice's company is on the reserve, Captain Alcorn's on Butte Creek, Captain Wilkinson's at Jacksonville, and Captain Bushey's on Applegate and Illinois, and a few from different companies remain at Vannoy's, while Major Martin's battalion are stationed at other points further down."
"From Oregon," Cincinnati Enquirer, February 3, 1856, page 1

Jacksonville, Dec. 27, 1855.               

    Editor Statesman--Dear Sir:--The intensely cold weather of the past few days has not wholly checked the current of events, though I am seriously afraid that my very ideas are in danger of freezing at the pen's point. The old frost king has locked up in his icy embrace everything but the energies of our brave volunteers. Since the withdrawal of our forces from the Meadows, the several companies composing Major Bruce's battalion have been posted at different points of the valley to afford the greatest protection, and also to act afterwards upon such bands of the savages as could be reached at this season of the year.
    On the night of the 24th inst., Captain Alcorn attacked a camp of Indians on the North Fork of the Little Butte Creek, completely routing them, killing eight bucks and capturing a considerable amount of stock and property heretofore stolen from the settlers. About the same time Captain Rice, having received information of a band on the north side of the river, crossed with a force of about thirty men, attacked the camp in the night, and after six hours fighting killed or captured the last man of them. These two fights have blotted out "Jack's" band, whose depredations and thieving propensities in war or peace have made its members a pest and eyesore to the valley since its settlement. There is a rumor in circulation that Capt. Bushey is on the trail of Applegate "John," and if so we hope to hear a good account of him also. Now, as for months past, every other subject is swallowed up in the war and its prosecution to a successful termination. It has already consumed every resource of the country, both labor and capital, and little is left us but the uncertain vouchers of the War Departments. Embarrassments in every branch of industry ruinous and unavoidable must follow, unless the means of temporary or permanent relief come soon. We anxiously hope that the Legislature may devise some partial remedy for these pressing misfortunes.
    The defeat of Gen. Miller for the Council from this county is much to be regretted, and a misfortune too that is not difficult to be accounted for, and one which the people of Jackson will ere long understand and remedy, to the shame and confusion of the unscrupulous demagogues who have left no means of detraction, misrepresentation and falsehood untried to accomplish their purpose.
    Col. Ross, the member-elect, is doubtless a clever gentleman, but I think would be more at ease in discussing a "bill of fare" than a "council bill." Dr. Barkwell I understand was detained by his army duties until after the meeting of the Legislature. Mr. Hale, elected to supply the vacancy occasioned by the death of the lamented Lupton, has also been connected with the service, and went down with the Dr. They may reach their posts late, but in time to prove themselves unflinching Democrats, able and ready to discharge the duties incumbent upon them as Democratic representatives.
    It is not likely that Col. Williams will make any move in force before the breaking up of winter. The utter exhaustion of supplies in the valley, the difficulties of transportation below, or coastwise, render it quite impossible to meet the wants of the army for many weeks in advance, at this season of the year. Too much, however, cannot be said for the activity and efficiency of the Quartermaster's Department, under the direction of Gen. Drew and his appointees. Mr. Peters here has done, and is doing, all that can be done to meet the wants of the volunteers.
    The Yreka Union has again taken open ground in favor of a new state between the Calapooia and Trinity mountains, and you may expect the Sentinel, of this place, to follow in its wake soon, or any other wake that it considers flowing in the direction of the popular stream for the time being. I may have something to say upon this subject hereafter, should it become a question of importance to warrant an answer.

    Capt. Wm. B. Lewis, wounded at Galice Creek, Oct. 17; wounds have healed and are nearly well.
    Milton Blackledge, of Capt. Lewis' company, wounded Oct. 17; well.
    John Ersicson, of Lewis' company, wounded Oct. 17; well.
    Joseph Umpqua ["Umpqua Joe"], of Lewis' company, wounded Oct. 17; wound healed.
    Amasa Morse, of Capt. Williams' company, wounded on Rogue River, 3 miles below the mouth of Jumpoff Joe, Oct. 16; died on the 18 following.
    J. T. Caldwell, Capt. Alcorn's company, acute rheumatism; transferred to the hospital at Jacksonville.
    David Sexton, of Williams' co., wounded Nov. 27, at the Meadows; transferred to Jacksonville.
    Robert Gammill, of Williams' co., wounded Nov. 27, at the Meadows; transferred to Jacksonville.
    Jacob Long, of Capt. Rice's co., wounded Nov. 27, at the Meadows; transferred to Jacksonville.
    James Sanders, of Capt. Wilkinson's co., inflammation arising from an injured nerve resulting in ulceration.
    Elias Musser, of Wilkinson's co., intermitting fever; well.
    Samuel C. Nicholson, of Alcorn's co., chronic ophthalmia; well.
    Joseph Carter, of Rice's co., rheumatism.
    Timoleon Love, of Qr. Master Department, sick; convalescent.
    M. Conroy, of Alcorn's co., catarrh and fever; well.
    Edward Smith, of Hospital Department, intermitting fever.
    Zacheus Van Orman, of Williams' co., flux.
    Intermitting fever, 9; remitting fever, 5; catarrh and fever, 14; rheumatism, 7; flux, 5; diarrhea, 9; chronic constipation, 2; nervous affections, 4; ophthalmia, 4; thrown and injured by horses and mules, 2; hemorrhoids, 3.
Table Rock Sentinel, Jacksonville, January 5, 1856, page 2


G. L. Curry
    Gov. of Oregon
        Sir
            I hasten to write you a few lines. I send to you by Capt. Buoy of Lane County three Indian men as prisoners of war. I hope you will approve my course. I am quite worn down from fatigue, as you may suppose. I have not as yet had any tent but have taken all the rain and snow out in the camp and find no fault now. Of all the service that I ever saw this is the hardest. It is almost death on men and horses. Still, strange to say, the men don't complain but they are cheerful under all circumstances. I can't seen any end to this war before next spring. We are compelled to keep the field or allow the Indians lay waste all the frontier settlements. Still I hope to be able to find some of the red devils soon. I would like to have for the use of the five companies of the regiment comprising the first battalion about two hundred stand of United States rifles and muskets, as I intend to push the war as early as possible into the heart of their country at the Big Meadows. First we must get rid of the Cow Creeks and Coquilles. I leave in a few minutes for the head of Coquille.
Oregon State Archives, Yakima and Rogue River War, Document File B, Reel 3, Document 860.


    There will naturally be many inquiries as to who Col. Bob Williams is. Well, as he is one of the right stripe (a good Whig), I want you to do something for him. There are but few who know his sentiments, for he never meddles with politics; it's a wonder how they came to elect him, for bad luck to me if it ain't mighty few Whigs that got office here. I will give you a brief outline of Bob Williams' history.
    Col. R. L. Williams was born in Kentucky, in the year 1826. His parents emigrated to Texas in 1837. Since that time he has traveled all over the Red River country--been amongst all the different tribes of Indians there. Has traveled all over the interior of Texas and Mexico, was in the Mexican War and all along the coast. Emigrated to California in '49, via Mexico, was leader of many a gallant little band to disperse the Diggers in California. Came to Rogue River Valley in June '51 and has made Jackson and Siskiyou counties his home ever since. Was out on several scouting expeditions in '51 and '52. Was elected captain of the Althouse mounted volunteers in 1853 and has ever been ready at a moment's warning to fly to the rescue, and protect the inhabitants from the inhuman barbarity of the treacherous red devils that have been permitted to remain on top of the ground. Williams is a heavy, thick-set man, medium height, and weighs 180, has a cast-iron constitution, big as the United States; tumtum ["heart"] like a beef, doesn't think of taking cold from lying out of doors overnight, and ain't afraid to fight Indians.
"Outsider," "State of the War--the Elections," Weekly Oregonian, January 5, 1856, page 1 

Correspondence of the Hornellsville Tribune.
    I have been so preoccupied with the cares of a family, providing defense and protection against hostile Indians in this vicinity, that until this moment I could get no time to give you an account of the state of things as they exist in this Territory at the present time. I presume anything connected with the present war in Oregon will be read with interest.
    In August 1853, a treaty of peace was concluded between the Rogue River Indians and the people of Oregon (or the United States) in which it was stipulated that the Indians should cede to the United States all the lands lying on the waters of Rogue River, with the exception of a tract some 30 miles square in the vicinity of Table Rock, respect the laws of the United States &c. The consideration was $75,000, to be paid in yearly installments. The Chief Sam, with a part of his tribe, still remain peaceable on the river or at Ft. Lane, in Jackson County. Inhabiting the lower Rogue River country is several small bands numbering some 240 men besides women and children, occupying the mountains between the Klamath and Umpqua rivers, on the north and south and east and west. The Indians along the coast number some 2,000. The Cow Creek band and the Umpquas number near 100 warriors. Numbers of each of these bands, with the dissolute, lazy and reckless from other tribes, north and south, and many who have lived with the whites and are called pet Indians, have united, and altogether compose a very formidable array. They are armed with rifles and pistols (Colt's revolvers) and are better shots than the whites.
    There seems to have been a general understanding between these merciless land pirates, and the Indians of Washington Territory and the Upper Columbia. Oct. 13th, 15th, the Indians attacked the settlement on Cow Creek and burned some 20 houses, besides outbuildings and thousands of bushels of grain; in fact, but two houses were left in the distance of nine miles, and they were riddled with bullets. A Mr. Harris was killed, and a Mrs. Wagoner is missing, also a Mrs. Haines and daughter supposed to be in possession of the Indians. On receipt of this intelligence Gov. Curry issued a proclamation calling for mounted volunteers, which was promptly responded to, and two battalions (nine companies) were organized t operate in the southern division of the Territory. One thousand mounted volunteers were ordered to the Upper Columbia, to form a junction with the forces of Gov. Stevens, of Washington Territory. About the 15th of October, a company of hog drovers were proceeding along the great military road from Scottsburg to Jacksonville, and on ascending the Grave Creek Hills were attacked by superior numbers, and a man by the name of Holland Bailey was shot dead in the road. A running fight of three miles ensued, until the whites found shelter in a log house. A few days afterwards the Indians were discovered in force, and Maj. Martin's battalion (300), with a company of regulars under Col. Ross, marched to the attack. The Indians had chosen a position on a high mountain and were in two ravines, separated by a narrow ridge. The volunteers rushed recklessly into the angle of their position, when a crossfire was opened on them, telling with deadly effect. At night the troops withdrew from the field with a loss of 15 killed and 20 wounded. It was a perfect failure. The next morning the Indians attacked them in their camp, but were repulsed by a short contest. A general retreat was ordered and the Indians remained in undisputed possession of the mountains.
    In consequence of this shameful mismanagement on the part of the officers, the citizens were subjected to the necessity of fortifying their houses and depending on themselves for protection. Farming and mining operations are almost entirely suspended, and no one is safe a moment outside of a fortification. Wednesday, November 21st, the forces in the field took up the line of march from headquarters, at Vannoy's ferry on Rogue River, for the Big Meadows 50 miles below Capt. Judah, of the U.S. service, Capt. Rice and Wilkinson of Maj. Bruce's battalion, and Maj. Martin with his battalion arrived at the Meadows on the 26th and began the construction of a raft, when the crack of a rifle from the brush on the opposite side instantaneously set 286 men flying in as many directions for shelter behind trees and rocks. A firing was kept up till dark, and the next morning another shameful retreat was ordered, and 432 men were in full flight from half their number of Indians. One man in Capt. Rice's company had his left arm broken, and three men in Capt. Williams' company were wounded, one by the name of Wm. M. Louis so badly he died. Thus the just expectations of the citizens have been disappointed, and the brand of cowardice stamped upon the officers of the expedition.
    November 30th, a man by the name of Yell was shot at by some Cow Creek Indians in the vicinity of this place. Intelligence was communicated to Capt. S. Gordon of Co. D. that the Indians were within five miles of his camp. The gallant Capt. got on their trail after having accomplished a ten-mile march (five miles the wrong way and then back) in the short space of thirty-eight or forty hours--quick time for mounted volunteers truly. But in the meantime fourteen citizens had followed the Indians (twenty-five in number) thirty miles on foot, and surprised them in their camp on the Olilly Creek and routed them completely, capturing twenty-three horses and all their camp equipage, killing several Indians and having but one man wounded, leaving the aforesaid gallant Capt. to yelp on a cold trail. This last is the only action up to this date, Dec. 1st, in which the Indians have not been victorious.
    Jan. 10th, by express from Jacksonville, we learn that 40 Indians in a log house were attacked by 150 whites with a piece of artillery (on Applegate Creek) when the Indians rushed out, broke the line, killed four and wounded five, and escaped without the loss of a man. All the hostile Indians in Southern Oregon may number 350 or 400. They are not so much an alliance of bands as a combination of individuals from every locality, have been always and everywhere exhibiting the most implacable hatred to the whites, and who, to gratify a passion for blood and plunder, have constantly sought to involve the races in war.
    This region has been chosen for their operations because it contains the most inaccessible mountain fastnesses and afford the most complete shelter and the best advantages for their peculiar mode of warfare. There must be an extermination of the Indians who compose this war party, or there can be no security for life or property in this country. The quartermaster's and commissary stores are obtained on a credit at great prices, and it is a fair estimate to say that every Indian killed in this war will cost the United States government $6,000. We may add to this another item. In times of peace and quiet $175,000 per month in gold dust passes through Crescent City. New mining is suspended, trade has fallen to one-third of the usual amount, and should the war end today, the country will not recover from its effects in three years to come. But little grain has been sowed his fall, and the price of breadstuffs has an upward tendency. The weather has been cold, snow 10 inches deep, grass scarce, beef poor-whiskey $1.50 a bottle and bad at that.
    I have sent my wife and her sister to the Willamette Valley, to get them out of the way of these Indians, and I am keeping bachelor's hall. To give you some idea of the uneasiness to which we are subjected, I will say that while writing this I have been to my door some half dozen times to look out for Indians. Sunday has disappeared from the days of the week, and soldiers are riding in all directions. I have not heard of a religious meeting in three months, and a Rev. Mr. Miller said he had come to the conclusion that an Indian had no soul worth saving anyhow.
    A temporary release from pressing duties enables me to drop you a line from the seat of war in this territory. As an old Oregonian I confess I am ashamed to state even the truth. But as "murder will come out," so also will truth, sooner or later. The aspect of affairs at this moment is truly discouraging. The interests, hopes, expectations and general safety and protection of the citizens of Southern Oregon were entrusted to two battalions of mounted volunteers, and a company of regulars stationed at Ft. Lane in Jackson County So strong a mounted corps (900) was expected to make a "perfect smash" of the Indians in this quarter, but four months has elapsed and the "critical period of the war" has just arrived. The whites were completely defeated in the first general engagement (the battle of Hungry Hill) and subsequently at the great meadows on Lower Rogue River. Nothing like a general action has occurred since that disgraceful retreat. Some little marching and countermarching of the officers (principally to the grog shops and back again), until some eight days since, when the Lieut. Col. Martin concentrated his battalion at the falls of this (Cow Creek) on receiving intelligence that an eight-gallon keg of monongahela had duly arrived. Four companies, Chapman's, Buoy's, Bailey's and Gordon's, headed by their respective officers, instantly charged, on the run, and the unfortunate monongahela was literally swallowed alive. A drunken spree of a day and night followed, and the next day eighty picked men proceeded in quest of Indians. After a march of some 20 miles Capt. Chapman and Gordon, with their commands, on arriving in the neighborhood of the redskins suddenly recollected they had but four days' rations and no whiskey. So they took the backtrack, leaving Capt. Bailey and his command to stand it alone. In the evening as the command, 67 men, were in camp, one man bantered the crowd for a wrestle. A ring was soon formed, and while they were scuffling before a large fire they had just replenished in order to see the fun--the fun commenced in earnest. A party of five Indians watching their movements could not forgo the opportunity of learning them a small lesson, and so just pitched a few bullets right into the crowd, killing a dog--one man (of the two who were wrestling), mortally wounding one more, and another severely.
    On leaving their camp in the morning the five Indians took instant possession, dancing, yelling and firing their pistols in derision. The company is now discharged. In short, the conduct of the officers in this battalion has been so cowardly and disgraceful that the Governor has issued a proclamation authorizing the discharge of all who want to quit the service. The soldiers feel themselves disgraced by their officers and have no confidence in them. There is now no available force in the field, and the citizens of Douglas County are exposed to attacks from all points and at all times, day and night. Last Thursday, January 31st, the Indians (supposed about 30) made a descent upon an old man by the name of Russel, two miles from where I am now writing, killed two of his oxen and some cows, steers &c. and drove off his pony and a few cattle. They fired several shots at him, but he gave good leg-bail and escaped. One bullet hit his rifle, glanced off and fell into his hand without injury. He has it in his possession yet.
    Col. Williams in Jackson County is about the only officer in the southern division who appears to be worthy of the trust reposed in him. In the northern department things here have been managed better, and the credit of the volunteers has been sustained.
Hornellsville Weekly Tribune, New York, April 24, 1856, page 2

Territory of Oregon
Headquarters
2nd Regt. O.M.V.
Roseburg Feb. 3rd 1856

	James F. Gazley	John A. Briggs
	Thomas Whitted	Henry Wiley
	Wm. P. Hawkins	W. F. Briggs
	M. T. Dyer	John L. Casto
	Hugh Carson	Henry Yokum
	E. D. Wright	L. D. Philips
	S. B. Briggs	W. N. Cox
	George D. Nichols	R. H. Estill
	Garrett Crockett	John Wright
	W. J. Briggs	Georg Williams [George Williams]
	Joseph Cornelison	L. Wright
	Isaac Bailey	John W. Weaver
	James A. J. Yokum	Wm. Weaver
	Edward Moloney	John Adams
	John Milliken	Eli Morgan
	John Fullerton	John Jackson
	James Clark	James Burnett
	John Hanlon	Hardy Eliff
	Samuel Strong	Thomas Eliff
	James Colvict	Samuel Gazley

Should your excellency respond to this petition, please to direct to Capt. Thomas Whitted, Myrtle Creek, Douglas County, O.T.

    The following letters to the Times are lengthy, but of striking interest:
    Friend Waterman: Through the columns of the [Portland Weekly] Times, I desire, briefly, to investigate the war south. We have an area of country, north and south, of three hundred miles--east and west, five hundred--in which we find Indians in arms against us. The country in which the Indians choose to fight is exceedingly mountainous, and almost opposes access to a white man. In this mountainous country, however, there are many valleys that are productive and are generally settled by an industrious people. They have accumulated herds of stock, and in fact their wealth entirely consists of animals.
    On or about the 1st of October last, we found ourselves south participating in an Indian war. Families were massacred, from the aged grandmother to the newly born babe. Wives and mothers are captured and taken into the recesses of the mountains to meet and contend with such treatment as the rude mercy of an enraged savage would bestow upon them--and the fact has been recently established beyond cavil that the unfortunate prisoners Mrs. Wagoner and child and Mrs. Haines are yet alive and with them!
    In the beginning, I admit the forces [Indian] to contend against were not large, but the advantages they held of country, and the citizens being dispersed so remote from the assistance of each other, rendered it impossible to defend their lives and property--hence depredations of no comparative character ensued.
    The condition of the South is more to be deplored at the present than it has been heretofore--for while our forces have been disbanded, our foe has increased, and it is the universal opinion south that the number of Indians to contend with now are five times greater than they were on the 1st of October.
    It will require I believe a force of no less than two thousand strong to subdue the southern Indians--and they will do well if they effect it in twelve months from this time. Force is required, wanted and expected. The greatest force ordered into the field will be found inadequate to prosecute anything like an active campaign.
    On the above letter the Times of the 19th remarks as follows:
    We learn that the volunteers have all left the field south--that there are about 200 regulars at Fort Lane, commanded by Capts. Judah and Smith. The Kanyon is blocked up, and government stores in large quantities are now lying on this side of the entrance.
    The number of persons known to have been killed by the Indians at the south, since the breaking out of hostilities, amounts to 128! Eighty-odd buildings have been burned, thousands of stock has been killed and driven off, and an immense amount of other property destroyed and stolen by the Indians! Matters are represented as being gloomy in the extreme at the south--and yet Gen. Wool would represent that there is no war! No cause for alarm! That the people of Oregon have got up a pretended war to make money out of! Shame on such unmanly statements--they are unbecoming any man who wears the human form.
    The Times of March 1st contains the following letter from the same party who gives the above particulars, giving eight days later news from the South:
    Friend Waterman:--I avail the present hasty moment to inform you that through the agency of Dr. Ambrose (Indian agent) two of Sam's tribe were sent to the Meadows for the purpose of ascertaining the probable fate of the unfortunate women who were taken prisoners; they have returned, and report that Mrs. Wagoner was killed at her residence. The Indians carried away her child, five years old. Mrs. Haines and child they kept some two weeks, and they died. They seemed desirous of keeping Mrs. Wagoner's child, but upon learning that the soldiers had taken two squaws, they massacred the child, also a half-breed of their own. Such is the certain fate of those mothers and children for whom so much anxiety has been entertained.
    There are 650 Indians at the Meadows, the original party having been reinforced by 300 Klamaths. They are well fortified, having constructed walls and barricades of heavy timber and stones. They are ready to fight and seem to desire the combat. They say they will treat only upon terms of their own dictation. What they are I don't know, and, as one man, don't care. I am opposed to a treaty, for I consider if, under the circumstances,we condescend to treat with the devils, after they have spilt the blood of mothers and infants so savagely, Oregon would ever have to blush for the bravery of her citizens, but I apprehend no fears upon that point. A Mr. Turner reports 17 pack mules lying dead near Mooney's Mountain, together with sundry packing fixtures. The supposition is that the entire party was killed, as no further information has been obtained relative to the catastrophe.
    The Indians report the loss of seventeen men killed--though I know they have sustained a far greater loss than that. Their report is six at Wagoner's, eight at Hungry Hill, and three at Jumpoff Joe. I can count more than that myself. There will soon be as many forces in the field--ready for active service--as were lately abandoned. Through the good management and industry of Quartermaster J. W. Drew, he has afforded us an abundance of quartermaster stores, which may be found at every accessible point between the Calapooia and Jacksonville. Unfortunately, however, there are many points where supplies are that are only protected by assistant quartermasters with half-worn-out steel pens--no good thing I admit.
    I will write you whenever I can interest you.
Daily Alta California, San Francisco, March 13, 1856, page 2


    Sir, your letter of this date making inquiry relative to the Indian war now existing in W.T. is before me. You say "Will you have the kindness to inform me as to the causes of the war." In reply to this inquiry, I must say it is hard to tell. Some ascribe the war to one cause, some another. The Indian statement is that the war has grown out of the treaties made with them for their lands. They say that they made bad bargain in the sales made & they know of no way to get out of those bargains but to fight out. Leshi, the principal chief on the west of the Cascades & Owhi on the east as well I believe as all the subordinate chiefs assign the same reason. They say that they have no dislike for the Bostons, that they have been profited by our presence amongst them, that they have purchased blankets for less money & received better prices for their labors and all else that they have to sell since we settled in their country. Their hatred and dislike is for those who made the treaties with them, such as agents, interpreters, etc. &c. & to get at them they have had to wage an indiscriminate war against all Americans. It is not pretended by them that any of the tribes engaged in the war they they have been abused or misused by American settlers our people. They only assign as a reason for going to war their dissatisfaction with the sales they had made of portions of their lands and their reservations of others. Previous a few days to the breaking out of the war, I was east of the mountains and saw the most of the Indian tribes who have since engaged in this war as well as some of the tribes who have remained friendly to the whites. I learned from those who were friendly then and who continued so, that some half doz. tribes were trying to unite for the purpose of waging a general war of extermination against the white settlements. That deputation had been sent from the Walla Wallas, Kinses, Yakamas, Hedesserie & Palmer with with an offer of 500 horses & 250 head of cattle had been offered to induce them--the Spokanes--to join in the war and that a larger number had been offered to the Nez Perces which offer they declined. They told us I mean when inquired at the reason they those hostile tribes gave for wanting a war with the whites was that they had become dissatisfied with the treaties made with sales they had made of their lands & by a union of all the tribes they could expel the Bostons from their country entirely and recover all their lands and enjoy the prosperity that the whites possessed. Capt. McDonald, one of the chief factors of the H. B. Company who was in charge of Fort Colville, told us and who understands the Indian character as well as any man on the Pacific, told us that the Indians were dissatisfied with the sales they had made of their lands and that they were particularly hostile to Gov. Stevens & General Palmer who had made the treaties. Such was the state of mind existing amongst those tribes at the time that I was in their country which was in the month of August. The Yakamas had determined to attack the small post that composed our company but and were prevented from doing so by the influence of Capt. McDonald. On our return from the Colville country, we passed through the Walla Walla country Valley when we met with the celebrated chief Peu-peu-mox-mox with whom we held an interview at our request--that interview was held at Fort Walla Walla in the presence of Captain McHenry who St. Clair, a most worthy and intelligent gentleman and who had been born & raised in the H. B. service & who has since been murdered by the Indians. In the interview we held with Peu-peu-mox-mox, we found him in a bad humor. He too was dissatisfied with the sales he had made of his lands--pretended as if he had not fully understood the bargain which he had made and manifesting a strong dislike for Gov. Stevens--he told us he had been at all times that both himself and people had been always well treated by the Bostons, but that he had heard that the whites in traveling through the [illegible] tribes of Indians had given them poisoned flour which caused the death of quite a number of them. When asked if he believed the statement [he] remarked that he could hardly credit it--at the same time adding that it might be true that there were good and bad men amongst all classes of people and colors. We found the old chief a man of decided shrewdness and apparent fairness--but Capt. St. Clair told us that he Peu-peu-mox-mox was a bad Indian, that his influence amongst all the tribes was east of the mountains was unbounded and that he had not the least doubt but that the Indians were preparing for a general outbreak on the settlements and that he--Peu-peu-mox-mox--was at the head of the conspiracy. Capt. St. Clair's surmises proved too true. It will be seen from the statement of facts which I make that the war immediate cause of war grew out of the treaties which had been made with the Indians for their lands for there was no tribe engaged in the for it is worthy of note that there was not a tribe engaged in the war with whom treaties had not been made. Capt. St. Clair thought a remote cause of war grew out of a feeling of envy. The Indians had seen the rapid increase of in numbers of the white man on the Pacific Coast from Cal. to the Straits of Juan de Fuca. They had seen him cut down their native forests and plow under the grass on their beautiful prairies. They had witnessed their fair-skinned neighbors seen with what rapid strides their fair-skinned neighbors acquired comforts. They saw his superiority in everything. They could not shut their vision to the inevitable destiny which awaited them--that their power & influence in that vast region was gradually but certainly passing away--and aroused by their savage instincts which have controlled the race in their attacks on our frontier settlements from our earliest history up to as a people up to the present time--commenced the barbarous and savage war which they did offering as an apology dissatisfaction with the treaties which they had just concluded. The present delegate from (Col. Anderson) was with me  He saw what I saw & heard on the trip to Colville While passing through the Indian country he saw what I saw, he heard what I heard and will doubtless corroborate the general statements which I here make you beside giving you many incidents of interest which in my hurry I omit.
    It is true as you suppose that I have lived amongst the Indians for several years and that I know the Indian character & that I have been engaged since the war commenced in defending the settlements against their murderous attacks. I have lived in W.T. for 4 years surrounded by Indians with whom I have always been on terms of intimate friendship until the war began, since which time I have been engaged in the war. I believe I was amongst the first if not the to respond to the call of our Territorial Gov. for help & have been in the field ever since up to within a few days from of the time I left W.T. which was about the 26th May and believe that I understand the Indian character as friends as well as enemies. You ask me whether the charge is true that has been put in circulation to the effect that a party of seven white men had taken a party of friendly Indians near the Cascades and after violating a young girl, murdered the whole party? In reply to this last inquiry, I answer that I heard of this charge for the first time on my arrival in [illegible] City. If an outrage so criminal and brutal had been committed in W.T., I certainly would have heard it. It would have been a theme of universal condemnation and the perpetrators driven from our midst. I can say without the fear of contradiction that the Indians of W.T., while there was peace, have been more courteously treated by the whites than Indians have ever been in any territory. Their rights have been scrupulously observed. In the length of time that I resided among them I knew one Indian killed by white men. They were arrested, tried before an examining court & acquitted, yet notwithstanding the murderers were acquitted, such was the force of public sentiment that they had to leave the Territory.
    I have known several white men killed by Indians who were acquitted for the offense, and if I am not forgetful, Col. Anderson was then counsel. Since I have been engaged in the war I have taken a number of Indian prisoners comprising men, women, & children. I have in no case killed the men except such as were proven guilty of murders being engaged in some of the murders various murders that have been committed upon our citizens.When it was not clearly proven, they have been sent to the reservations. The women & children have been invariably kindly treated and returned to the Indian reservation. I have been surprised at the sympathy manifested for Indians by some persons on the [illegible] occupying a high position--at the great pains they take to tell of the barbarous treatment Indians receive at the hands of the vol., which ill barbarous treatment was never given the Indians never did receive at the hands of the vol., and how scrupulously the same class of  men avoid telling the of the savage & brutal murders the Indians have committed on our unsuspecting & defenseless citizens comprising men, women & children, how they have mutilated the dead bodies of women by cutting off their breasts & severing the heads of infants at the breast from their bodies. We have not learned as yet that the Indians have violated our women, our white women, for none have been left alive to tell the tale of their wrongs--for the Indians take no prisoners. Can it be that those Indian sympathizers are not on the Pacific are ignorant of the facts? If not, what can they mean by such extraordinary and one-sided publications.
Joseph Lane Papers, OHS Mss 1146, Oregon Historical Society Research Library.  Undated.

    Douglas County, O.T., Feb. 14, '56.       

    Latest accounts represent matters to be in a horrible condition in Rogue River and Umpqua valleys. The Indians are said to have blockaded the road leading through the Canyon, and thus cut off all means of communication with Jacksonville. The express is said to have been driven back by a large body of Indians, although it was escorted by ten men. The Indians stopped the express just beyond the Canyon. Even in Umpqua Valley the Indians are said to have penetrated as far as Cow Creek, and are now burning the settlers' houses and laying waste the country with firebrands and tomahawks.
    The newly elected Brig. Gen. J. K. Lamerick has made the call for four new companies, to be raised in Linn, Benton, Douglas and Linn counties, to supply the places of the companies already in the southern field, whose term of service is about to expire. What the southern regiment has been about the past winter is more than we can divine. There is great complaint made of those who have the command, but they may have done the best they could under the circumstances. The Indians at all events have had the best of it so far, and if Col. "Bill Martin" had belonged to any other than that of the Sham Democracy, every locofoco press in Oregon would have been denouncing his course in the most unqualified terms.
    It is positively a disgrace to Oregon that our southern friends are not relieved, and that immediately. These Indians could have been subdued in 1849 in half the time we have been tinkering with them, although they were then much more numerous than at present, and we were much weaker. The Statesman's correspondent is puffing Lamerick as just the man for the emergency. This, together with his past history, gives us rather a poor opinion of him, but we will give him a chance to do something before we either praise or blame. If he earns any laurels, we shall be the last one to object to his wearing them.
The Oregon Argus, Oregon City, February 16, 1856, page 2