The people of Oregon Territory in 1850 had a delegate at Washington, and as the Indian title to the soil had been the ostensible cause of differences between the missionaries and the natives east of the Cascades, it was natural that the extinguishment of the native title in Western Oregon should receive early  attention. To meet this want, the sixth public act of the 31st Congress was:
    "An act authorizing negotiation of treaties with the Indian tribes of Oregon for the extinguishment of their claims to lands west of the Cascade Mountains, and for other purposes,'' passed, signed and approved June 5, 1850, and published in the first copy of the Oregonian December 4 of the same year.
    The object of this bill, besides extinguishing the Indian claims to the soil of Western Oregon, and providing for the appointment of officers to effect this object, was to locate the tribes treated with east of the Cascade Range, if found practicable. This was found impracticable, because the healthy wild tribes east of the mountains would have none of the diseased remnant of tribes that had been long dying on the west of the range, and the latter dreaded and feared those from east of the range when they made summer excursions into the Willamette Valley.
    The commission appointed was Anson Dart, of Wisconsin; A. G. Henry, of Illinois; Elias Wampole (not located), and H. H. Spalding, of Oregon. To these were added Governor John P. Gaines, A. A. Skinner and B. S. Allen. Dr. Dart knew nothing of Indians; Mr. Henry never came on the ground.
    Mr. Wampole was placed over the tribes of Northeastern Oregon, and was soon broken for speculating off the Indians.
    Mr. Spalding was allotted as agent over the tribes of Southern Oregon, including the Rogue Rivers and Shastas, who feared neither God nor devil nor man they could steal from or kill.
    The first effort of Dr. Dart was at Champoeg, in Marion County. The Calapooias and Molallas were to be treated with. But they would sign nothing without seeing J. L. Parrish. He was sent for, advised them to sign, and they did sign in behalf of those two tribes. They gave up 80x20 miles on the east side of the Willamette River, the north boundary being the small creek making into the Willamette between Oregon City and the Clackamas. The native contracting parties were Joseph Hudson, chief of the Calapooias, and Margaret, his wife, youngest daughter of Costa, chief of the Molallas. The Indians had no idea of mile measurements. They both told the writer that the Calapooias claimed the plains and the Molallas the slopes of the Cascades to the summit eastward and to the Calapooya Mountains south. They were to receive $42,000 in cash payments in 20 annual installments.
    The Clackamas tribe was bought out for $2500 annually for 10 years, one-fifth cash and the balance in food and clothing. There were 88 persons, 19 of whom were men, or had that semblance.
    The Tualatin branch of the Calapooias ceded 50x30 miles west of the Willamette River. The total number of Calapooias was found to be 220.
    A treaty was made with the Coast tribes, covering the coast line from Chehalis, south of the Columbia, to Yaquina, reaching inland to the mouth of the Cowlitz River, at a cost of $91,300, to be paid in 10 yearly installments. Clatsop Point, Woody and Cathlamet islands, in the Columbia, were mentioned as reservations. In the securing of these treaties, not a single figure of the native race made itself notable in making conditions, from the date of the law authorizing them till July 2, 1856, when the followers of Chief John, of the Rogue Rivers, were cowed and worn out by a six-year contest begun by them as wayside murderers for purposes of robbery, and ending in a desperate race struggle for possession of one of the most beautiful valleys of Oregon. John was left the one unconquered man of his race, making his own conditions of submission.
    On the side of the white race, General Joseph Lane fully justified his appointment as first Governor of Oregon under the United States dominion. There are few brighter spots in the history of our dealings with the Indians than Lane's courage and watchful wisdom in holding the head chief of the Rogue Rivers as hostage. That and the conduct of the brave wife, who came alone and solicited the favor of being with her husband while he was held prisoner, ought to receive the attention of both poets and painters that Oregon will produce.
    True, the Table Rock treaty barely kept the peace during a year. The elements of the contest, when it became one between the races, were so divided by native bands and factions on the one side, and between volunteers and regulars on the other, that the duration of the struggle is not surprising. Its results are summed up in 6,000,000 acres ceded to the United States at a cost of about 3 cents per acre, and 4000 natives put upon reservations and guarded and protected by the government. In constructing this brief chronicle of race strifes and changes, the writer has depended largely on Bancroft's great collection of annals and notes. To one of the latter an opposing view is submitted. Note 26, on page 412, of Bancroft's "Oregon," volume II, concludes: "Out of an appropriation of $500,000, if the Indians received $80,000 or $100,000, they were fortunate."
    The efficient work of securing these treaties was done by Oregonians. A. A. Skinner superseded Dr. Dart as Commissioner; Joel Palmer succeeded Skinner. Of agents, H. H. Spalding, being utterly misplaced over the Southern Oregon Indians, may have drawn pay without service, but no one ever doubted his honesty. J. L. Parrish was the most serviceable man in the field in the work of getting the Indians to treat. His accepted accounts came within $1 of a balance. No one in Oregon ever doubted the probity of Judge Skinner, General Palmer or J. W. Nesmith. A note following the above says: "A Special Commissioner, C. H. Mott., was sent to examine the accounts, who could find nothing wrong, and they were allowed and paid in 1859."
    Mr. Bancroft's note strengthened the arbitrary action of the Third Auditor of the United States Treasury in scaling down the claims of the Oregon and Washington volunteers and robbing those soldiers and people out of two-fifths of what was found due by a Congressional committee, and is yet justly due. It supported General Wood's malevolent course against these volunteers, who were starving amid the thickets and steeps of Lower Rogue River, Coquille and other streams in the southwest corner of Oregon, on a public promise of $2 a, day, when the writer of this could and did get all the labor he wanted at $4 per day in California, and from that sum to $2 for common labor prevailed all along the coast at that time. It was, of course, much more in the mines, even at Yreka and Jackson mining districts, where miners detailed parts of their separate camps to chase and run down the separate bands of wild, murderous robbers.
    In using these words as descriptive of the Rogue Shastas--one tribe was divided into clans by family contentions and mountains--it is without bitterness. Within two years prior to the beginning of this contest between natives and miners [in 1848]  the writer saw the hunters' paradise of Upper Rogue River. He saw banded antelopes lying on the swells of land opposite where the City of Ashland now is, like flocks of peaceful sheep. He saw the watchful native runner, seemingly naked, start to carry the news of our parties' presence from village to village in advance of us. He saw them closing in on the trail we made into the snows of the Siskiyous, where, according to the estimate of our leader, Jesse Applegate, they would slaughter every one of us for the property one of us carried, if we gave them the chance. When they were surprised by us, three-fourths of them were clad in deerskins, with the hair yet on. That they fought for their native valleys according to their knowledge is no disgrace to them.

	Clatsops, Cathlamets & Clatskanie	100	to	150	souls
	Tillamooks	150	to	200

Sir
    I have been officially notified of your appointment as Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Oregon, under the act of the 5th ultimo creating that office, and am directed by the Hon. Secretary of the Interior to prepare appropriate instructions for your observance in the discharge of the duties of your office.
    Such instructions must necessarily be of a general character. That Territory having been but recently organized, the files of this office do not as yet afford sufficient material for more specific details than those formerly given to Governor Lane (a copy of which you will find among the accompanying papers), and circumstances may require an occasional departure from, or modification of, any general code of instructions emanating from a point so remote from the scene of action as this. On this point much is left to your own discretion and better judgment, when your superior local knowledge will have enabled you to act more advisedly in the premises, but such departures, if any, you will report at once to this office, in order that it may be constantly advised of the state and progress of Indian affairs in your Superintendency.
    The instructions, then, to the late ex-officio Superintendent will serve for your general guidance until the Department is in possession of further information upon which to base others more in detail, and in view of this desirable object it is both hoped and believed that you can do much towards furnishing such information in a short time after your arrival in the Territory, and that the Department will not rest for any great length of time under its present embarrassing want of reliable statistical knowledge of Indian affairs in Oregon.
    The above-mentioned paper, taken in connection with the report of Governor Lane (a copy of which is also herewith enclosed), will serve at least as an outline for your initiatory action, and until further instructed by that practical experience and observation, from which, as before mentioned, much is anticipated.
    Among the papers enclosed you will find the regulations for the prevention and suppression of the whiskey trade among all Indian tribes. Governor Lane speaks of this traffic as being carried on by "vessels coming into the Columbia and particularly at Baker's Bay and Astoria." It is doubtless introduced at other points, and as the country becomes more densely settled, the evil, it is apprehended, will be greatly increased. The suppression of this traffic has always been considered by the government as one of the most important measures for the civilization of the Indians, and every effort has been made throughout the whole Indian country to keep it beyond their reach. I beg leave, therefore, to call your particular attention to this branch of your duties, and to urge upon you to enforce a strict compliance with the laws and regulations, and, by every effort in your power, endeavor to put a stop to this deplorable evil. You will find in the intercourse law, a copy of which I enclose, full power to enable you to discharge this duty.
    It has been represented that most of the goods that have been given to the Indians of Oregon have been purchased of the Hudson's Bay Company, thereby conveying to the Indians the false impression that they were conferred by persons belonging to a foreign government. It is to be hoped that this has not been done to an extent to produce as yet much bad effect; but as it is adverse to the policy of our Indian relations, as well as injurious and insulting to our government, to cause these people to believe themselves the recipients of foreign gratuities, I would suggest that you make all your purchases from American citizens when practicable, and embrace every opportunity to impress on the Indians that it is the American government and not the British that confers upon them these benefits. The Indians should also be prevented from crossing the line into the British possessions. The Hudson's Bay Company has so long wielded an undue influence over all Indians within their reach that you may perhaps find it a difficult matter to carry out these views, but perseverance will no doubt finally effect it, or at least go far towards correcting the present condition of affairs. Under no circumstances should the company be permitted to have trading establishments within the limits of our Territory, and if any such establishments now exist, they should be promptly proceeded with in accordance with the requirements of the intercourse law.
    In this connection, it is proper to mention that it is the policy of the government, as far as possible, to avoid the payment of money, by way of presents or otherwise, to Indians. They are wasteful and improvident, and but rarely expend money for any useful object. They should receive nothing but what will tend to their happiness and comfort.
    The President has appointed two agents, as authorized by the recent law, viz: Anson G. Henry and Henry H. Spalding. They are required by the act to perform such duties as you may assign to them, and will be directed to report to you for this purpose. The first thing to be considered is their proper location, so as to give the greatest efficiency to their labors. It is presumed you will find it best to place one of them east, and the other west of the Cascade Mountains.
    It is desirable that this office should be advised as to their locations, the limits of each agency, and the name, strength, condition &c. of each tribe, as early as possible. A copy of your instructions to each agent should also be forwarded as soon as practicable.
    A great and important object to be attained, and which must be done mainly by the agents, is the reconciling [of] all differences among the Indians themselves. The agents should represent to the Indians that their Great Father, the President of the United States, enjoins it upon them to live in peace and harmony, and that they must shake hands and live like brethren together. The best way to accomplish this, is by inducing bands hostile to each other to enter into written treaties of peace and amity, stipulating to preserve friendship among themselves and towards the whites, and to refer all their misunderstandings and differences to the umpirage of the proper representatives of the United States government.
    Great efforts should also be made among the Indians to induce them to engage in agricultural pursuits, to raise grain, vegetables and stock of all kinds. It would not be amiss to encourage them, by the promise of small premiums, to be awarded to those who raised the greatest quantity of produce, horses, oxen, cows, hogs &c. The presents which may be given to them from time to time might be applied to this object.
    The agents under your supervision will find among the Indians Christian missionaries of various sects and denominations, differing in some articles of form and faith, but all engaged in the good work of extending the blessings of Christianity to an ignorant and idolatrous people, and of civilizing and humanizing the wild and ferocious savage.
    The orthodoxy of any of these missionaries is not to be tested by the opinion of the Indian agent, or any other officer of the government. None of these can rightfully be the propagandist of any sect, or the official judge of any article of Christian faith. All, therefore, who are entrusted with the care of our Indian relations in Oregon, are instructed to give the benevolent and self-sacrificing teachers of the Christian religion whom they may find there, equal aid, countenance and encouragement, and that they merit their good will by uniform kindness and concession to all--leaving them free alike to use such means as are in their power to carry out the good work in which they are respectively engaged. The rapid increase of our population, its onward march from the Missouri frontier westward, and from the Pacific east, steadily lessening and closing up the intervening space, renders it certain that there remains the red man but one alternative--early civilization or gradual extinction. The efforts of the government will be earnestly directed to his civilization and preservation, and we confidently rely upon their Christian teachers, that in connection with their spiritual mission they will aid in carrying out this policy, that stationed as they are among the various Indian tribes, they will use all their influence in restraining their wild, roving and predatory disposition, and in teaching them the arts and bringing them to the habits of civilized life.
    If this can be attained--if they can be taught to subsist not by the chase merely, a resource which must soon be exhausted, but by the rearing of flocks and herds, and by field cultivation, we may hope that the little remnant of this afflicted race will not utterly perish from the earth, but have a permanent resting place and home on some part of our broad domain, once the land of their fathers.
    It is represented that the missionaries exercise great influence over the Indians of Oregon, and no doubt could be made powerful auxiliaries in carrying out the policy of the United States. To this end, it might not be amiss to let them know, in such manner as the delicate nature of the communication may suggest to you, that the government, whilst affording them every possible facility and protection, expects in return their aid and cooperation in executing its laws.
    The happiness of the Indian is the common aim of both, and the extension of our laws and regulations over them being for their own welfare, this class of philanthropists could not more effectually advance their own humane intentions than by inculcating obedience on the part of their wards, at the same time instructing them that they are solely dependent on this, and not on the British government, and must adhere to it alone, and that with a sincere desire to protect and favor those who abide by its laws, it has also the strength and disposition to punish those who infringe them.
    The governor of the Territory, who has until the passage of this law been ex-officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, is in possession of all documents, books, papers, public money and property belonging to the Superintendency. He will be notified of your appointment and requested to turn over to you everything pertaining to your office. From him you will probably receive most, if not all, the important papers accompanying this communication; yet, as a matter of precaution, duplicates are herewith furnished.
    The sum of $20,000 will be advanced to you from the Treasury, to be applied as follows:

	Buildings for Superintendent and three agents	$  5000.	00
	Salary of Superintendent, one year	2500.
	Do. of three agents, do., $1500 each	4500.
	Pay of interpreters, presents, provisions to Indians visiting the agencies, contingent expenses, embracing necessary travel in the Indian country on business, house rent, fuel, stationery, collecting statistical information &c. &c.	8000.	00
		$20,000.	00

    The item for building is intended to embrace your own and the houses of the agents, but as yours will probably be permanent, the largest portion of the sum may be thus applied, not, however, to exceed $4,000.00. As it will probably be some time before the agents are permanently located and their agencies arranged, but a small sum will suffice to put up temporary residences for them; in this, however, as in other matters, much must be left to your judgment and discretion, keeping in view that the sum appropriated for the whole object must not be exceeded.
    Your own salary and those of the agents will be paid quarterly.
    The amount set apart for provisions, presents, contingencies &c. is not divided into specific items, for the reason that it would be impossible to designate how much should be expended for any one of them. The sum is a much larger one than is usual in such cases, or supposed to be necessary for the objects specified, but the distance to your Superintendency being very great, it is advanced to you as a measure of precaution, and it is perhaps needless here to enjoin on you the greatest economy in its disbursement.
    Your official bond has been received, and is approved. Your salary commenced on the 1st instant, the day of its execution.
    You will please communicate with the Department as frequently as occasion and opportunity may offer; and in return you will from time to time receive such additional instructions as the public service may seem to require. Anson Dart Esq.
    Supt. Indian Affairs
        Oregon Territory
NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Reel 11, Instructions and Reports 1850-1855, pages 1-9.



    INDIAN TRIBES OF OREGON.--The following are the tribes of that territory, with the number of souls in each, as computed from the latest sources:

	Cape Flattery Indians	1400
	Snoquamish Indians	500
	Tribes along the western shore of Puget Sound	500
	Tribes along the shore of Hood's Canal	200
	Those around Nisqually, Puyallup and Snohomish rivers	550
	Those living on the southern extremity of Whidbey's Island, call the Snohomish	330
	The Snoqualicks	350
	Skokomish Indians	450
	The Skagits	500
	The Nooklulumie Indians	220
	The Cowlitz Indians	120
	The Chinooks	100
	The Quinault and Chehalis	300
	Others living on the Columbia not named	150
	Those living on the Falls of the Columbia	130
	Molallas	100
	Klickitats	180
	Calapooias	60
	Tualatins	60
	The Yamhill Indians	90
	Luckiamute Indians	15
	Umpqua Indians	200
	The Kilamukes	200
	The Clatskanies	300
	Clatsop Indians	50
	Cathlamet Indians	58
	The Calooits	200
	The Namoets	50
	Rogue River Indians	800
	Yakama Indians	200
		8448

Sacramento Transcript, July 29, 1850, page 3  Keyword: census



Sir
    I am in possession of positive information that the man by the name of Olney, who has a house at this point, has contrary to law brought liquor up to this post and is selling the same to Indians and soldiers. I am aware of the powers vested in the commanding officer of a military post, which I assure you will be exercised in good faith, but not having here any jail or safe place for keeping such a culprit till he may be brought to justice, have taken this opportunity of informing you as Indian agent that you may direct the U.S. Marshal to proceed to this post, where the offender shall be taken and turned over to him without delay, being the proper officer to take him into custody and bring him before the proper tribunal for trial. If possible send Meek up at the earliest time possible; when he should arrive then will be the time to proceed, and send him immediately down to Oregon City, as it will be impossible perhaps to keep him here if taken in custody. You undoubtedly see the propriety of such procedure, and I hope will coincide with me in the measure as not only being best advisable, [but] altogether expedient for the good of the service, and for the preservation of the laws regulating such matters in the Indian country. Meek can come up with all his documents, and report to me, and take him into custody immediately.
    I beg of you let there be no delay.
Gen. J. Lane
    Oregon City
NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 12; Letters Received, 1850, No. 16.



W. Meek Esq.--
    My Dear Sir:--I am now fighting hard for your claim, and for my land bill. It came up this morning in the Senate, and would have passed in one half hour had it not been for an attempt on the part of Jeff Davis, as chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, to give power to the officers in Oregon to seize your farms and houses and stores. This has been brought about through the mission of Capt. Hatch, operating on the Secretary of War. It is contended that our people have no rights, and that the President should be authorized, through these officers, to remove whoever they please without ceremony. Against this, I am fighting. I expect they will defeat my bill, as they protected all of you in your claims. I have written home an article for the Spectator. Get up meetings, and have the Assembly speak out. Every man in Oregon is in danger of losing his all, and all this though the operations of one military officer on the War Department. I will do all I can, but if our bill is defeated, lay it to them. I hope our people will struggle against these usurpations of military power, and that they will protect each other in their claims. Pray Congress to take away every troop or soldier and officer in Oregon. For if such is to be the doctrine, we may all expect our houses to be taken for barracks, and ourselves driven out like dogs. Move in this matter, Meek, and let Milwaukie speak out, and send your memorials to Congress. I will stand by you to the last, and all I ask is to have the people stand by me.
    My circular to the people will appear in the Spectator.
    A meeting is called in the school house in Milwaukie on Saturday evening next.
    The above was handed us by Mr. Wm. Meek, with a request that we publish it in our first issue. We do not wish to create any unnecessary alarm by so doing. The gentleman himself is undoubtedly excited.
Oregon Spectator, Oregon City, October 31, 1850, page 2



    INDIAN AGENTS.--The following nominations for the various posts connected with the Indian affairs in this Territory have been confirmed by the Senate:
    His Excellency Governor Gaines, Hon. A. A. Skinner, of Oregon, and Mr. Allen of Tennessee, to be commissioners to negotiate with the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains for the purchase of their lands.
    Dr. Anson Dart, of Wisconsin, Superintendent of Indian Affairs. Dr. D. is on his way and will probably arrive on the next steamer. Rev. H. H. Spalding, of Oregon, and Dr. A. G. Henry, of Illinois, Sub-Indian Agents.
Oregon Spectator, Oregon City, September 5, 1850, page 2


    Among the passengers of the steamer Panama we see enrolled the names of Dr. Anson Dart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and P. C. Dart, secretary for the same. Since writing the above we have heard of their arrival in the city. We understand that the Superintendent contemplates entering upon the duties of his commission immediately--to treat and make settlements with the Indians, west of the Cascade Mountains.
Oregon Spectator, Oregon City, October 3, 1850, page 2



Sir:
    Your bond dated October 11th and duly executed has been received and is approved and placed on file in this office. Your salary as Indian Agent then will commence on this day.
    I have decided upon establishing temporarily (perhaps it may be) your agency in the southwestern portion of the Territory, and at some convenient place in the Umpqua Valley.
    Information of a reliable character has reached me to the effect that the Indians of that quarter, particularly those on Rogue River, are disposed to be unfriendly to the whites, and are in the habit of robbing from and otherwise seriously annoying persons who pass through their country.
    In view of these facts, I wish you to repair with as little delay as possible to the Umpqua Valley and visit also soon after your arrival there the Indians on Rogue River. You will represent to these tribes, whose predatory habits and roguish dispositions so much annoy our peaceable citizens--that you are an officer sent among them by their Great Father, the President of the United States, to warn them of the danger of any longer ill-treating the people of the United States. Impress upon their minds if possible the fact that their Great Father the President wishes to treat them as friends, as well as to protect them in their rights. But in no event will they be allowed to go unpunished should they persist in their thieving course, or in any other manner to annoy those traveling in their country.
    But on the other hand, that if they are hereafter quiet and peaceable Indians, it will give their great father the President much pleasure to make them valuable presents, and treat them always as friends.
    I would next call your attention to the suppression of the whiskey trade among the Indians in that quarter. I apprehend that this traffic has been productive of much of the trouble existing in the Umpqua country, and I would here strictly enjoin on you that no person be allowed to trade or traffic in any manner among the Indians in your agency. In a copy of the Instruction Law which I herewith enclose you will observe the strict injunctions upon all agents or others having intercourse with the Indians, and the penalty incurred by those guilty of the offense of selling whiskey or other spirits to them.
    I cannot more forcibly express the wish of the government in regard to the course to be pursued towards the Christian missionaries of this country than by copying a part of my own instructions, which you are here instructed to observe.
    "The agents under your supervision will find among the Indians Christian missionaries of various sects and denominations, differing in some articles of form and faith, that are engaged in extending the blessings of Christianity to an ignorant and idolatrous people, and of civilizing and humanizing the wild and ferocious savage.
    "The orthodoxy of any of these missionaries is not to be tested by the opinion of the Indian agent or any other officer of government. None of these can rightfully be the propagandist of any sect, or the official judge of any article of Christian faith; all therefore who are entrusted with the care of our Indian relations in Oregon are instructed to give the benevolent and self-sacrificing teaching of the Christian religion, whom they may find there equal aid, countenance and encouragement, and that they meet their good will by uniform kindness and concession to all, leaving them free alike to use such means as are in their power to carry out the good work in which they are respectively engaged."
    I should inform you here perhaps that it was my first purpose to establish your agency in the country of the Cayuses on the Columbia, but owing to the existing feeling of those Indians toward you I have resolved first to visit them and ascertain the cause and extent of their prejudices against you, consequently your present location may, as I before related, be temporary.
    Accompanying these instructions you have statistical blanks which I wish you to fill as perfect as possible. Embracing all the tribes and parts of tribes of Indians inhabiting the country south of the headwaters of the Willamette River to the southern boundary of Oregon, and between the Cascade Range and the Pacific Ocean. You will please inform me as often as occasion may require the condition of affairs in southwestern Oregon that are connected with your duties as Indian agent.
To Henry H. Spalding
    Indian Agent
NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 2; Letter Books A:10.  A bad copy of this letter can be found in NARA Series M234, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, Reel 607 Oregon Superintendency 1842-1852, frames 730-734.



To the Hon.
    Commissioner of Indian Affairs
Sir
    You will I trust excuse me for making a brief report at this time of Indian affairs in Oregon. I have not as yet had sufficient time to enable me to obtain such information as would warrant a lengthy and detailed account of our present Indian relations here.
    I have, however, used great exertions since I have arrived to procure information that would enable you to give such directions as would best tend to the welfare of the United States, as connected with the duties of my office.
    I arrived in the mouth of the Columbia River on the 26th ult. and at Oregon City on the 28th. On the first day of October I started on a journey up the Willamette River and proceeded as far as the Calapooia country, one hundred and thirty miles distant. I find scattered through this beautiful valley the Chinooks, a numerous though well-disposed tribe, all of whom are not only peaceable, but industrious; nearly all of them adopt the habits of the white people--dress as near like them as their means will allow--a very large portion of these act as servants or laborers among the whites and are becoming very useful in this thinly settled country. I therefore do not believe it is the wish of the people here to have the attempt made to remove them to the east of the Cascade Mountains; their swift destruction would I think be the fruits of such an enterprise.
    I do not intend these remarks to apply to all the Indians west of the Cascade Range, for I shall not attempt to enlighten the Commissioners at Washington on this subject, only as time will allow me to visit each tribe and section of country occupied by them. The Chinooks claim all the country from the mouth of the Columbia to Fort Vancouver on both sides of that river, as well as the valley of the Willamette between the Cascade and Coast ranges of mountains. There are however remnants of tribes inhabiting parts of the country described who also lay claim to such positions as they occupy.
    A part of my business to the Calapooia Valley was to meet with H. H. Spalding (the only full agent in the Territory). I delivered to him his commission, and he at once consented to act under his appointment, since which time his bond has been executed and placed on file in this office. I have fixed his location at Scottsburg in the Umpqua Valley for a twofold purpose--1st, the Indians of that locality, particularly those on Rogue River, continue their hostile demonstrations towards the whites who have occasion to pass through their country. The appearance of Mr. Spalding will tend to intimidate these Indians, he being clothed with power to chastise them or bring them to terms.
    Second--That the government intend soon to treat with all the Indians west of the Cascade Mountains for their lands, hence the importance of establishing as early as possible among the Indians a friendly policy towards the people of the United States. On my return from Calapooia I found at my office a letter from Gov. Gaines (a copy of which marked "A" accompanies this report), calling my attention to an alleged murder of an emigrant on Burnt River by an Indian of the Snake tribe. This information, with the knowledge that large quantities of whiskey was on the way to the Upper Columbia, induced me to start on the 8th inst. for the Dalles or further if necessary. On my arrival at the Cascades of the Columbia I met a party of emigrants who informed me that the Indians were not guilty of the crime but that a person was killed by one of his own party during a dispute.
    At this point I overtook the traders with whiskey and took possession of it. Having accomplished the main object of my journey I returned, arriving here on the 16th inst.
    I shall leave here soon for Astoria to prevent if possible the landing of liquors at that place and effectually to stop its further progress into the country, either by way of the river or otherwise. In arresting the progress of this evil, however, I am sure it will call in requisition our greatest efforts. I would here ask further instructions in relation to license. The Hudson's Bay Company claim the right to trade under "treaty stipulations." How shall I discriminate between traders in the villages and those in the back country? It being all an Indian country, I do not know where to draw the line of distinction.
    I would also ask instructions in relation to the pay of sub-agents, none of whom have been paid. A Mr. Van Dusen was appointed sub-agent to reside at the mouth of the Columbia River. He declined acting and has not qualified. I deem it indispensably necessary for one sub-agent to reside at Astoria, and I would recommend for appointment to that place Robert Shortess Esq. (who now resides there) as qualified in every way for the office at that particular post.
    I would recommend as a measure of economy the building of a storehouse near the Superintendent's dwelling, for storing Indian goods and provisions. It will doubtless be the policy of the government to pay the Indians in part for their lands in clothing, provisions, farming utensils &c., hence the economy, as storage is immeasurably high. A store sufficiently large could be built for about $3000.
    I would also recommend that a law be passed authorizing the appointment of a permanent clerk in the office of Superintendent [of] Indian Affairs. This would seem indispensably necessary in the event that I visit in person all the tribes of Indians to procure the information at present so desirable for a full understanding at the seat of government of all that is useful connected with the Indians of Oregon. Very little is yet known of the Indians of this country that has not emanated from the Hudson's Bay Company or from Wilkes' Exploring Expedition.
    I have received from Governor Gaines the papers and blanks left with him by ex-Gov. Lane. No money has however been handed over to me. Governor Gaines has also placed in my hands the order of the Commissioner for $10,000 (sent to meet him at San Francisco) for the purpose of paying the sub-agents and some other claims on the Indian Department in Oregon.
    None of these claims have as yet been paid. I have therefore forwarded to you this order, with Gov. Gaines' endorsement, together with my draft for ten thousand dollars for which amount you will please send me the draft on the collector at San Francisco, Cal.
    While in New York I took the precaution to purchase for the government the necessary hardware, glass, paints &c. together with stoves for the use of Superintendent's and agents' buildings, which I was instructed to build. I also purchased books and stationery for these offices and some plain furniture for my own.
    I purchased but few Indian goods, as you will observe, not knowing what would be the most suitable for the Indians of Oregon. At the same time I would recommend a liberal distribution of presents to all the tribes to be treated with west of the mountains. NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs, Reel 11, Instructions and Reports 1850-1855, pages 14-18.  What is apparently the original of the letter may be found on NARA Series M234, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, Reel 607 Oregon Superintendency 1842-1852, frames 718-723.




To H. H. Spalding
    Indian agent &c.
        To your note of this day inquiring among other things whether in my opinion a person may travel alone in safety beyond the ferry on the Umpqua River and visit the Indians on Rogue River, I have no hesitation in replying that I consider it not only unsafe and imprudent to attempt it but at this season of the year impossible to do so.
    Though the late Superintendent of Indian Affairs for this Territory held treaties or rather talks last summer with the Indians of the South Umpqua and a portion of those inhabiting Rogue River Valley, yet no change for the better has appeared in the conduct of those people, in fact the Indians of South Umpqua have been more vicious and hostile the past season than heretofore. The only instance that I know of a person traveling alone in their country resulted in his robbery by the first band of Indians he met from whom he only escaped with his life by the interference of an Indian who had lived with the whites, since which time the Indians of South Umpqua have continued to annoy the parties passing from the mines and have stolen about 20 horses which have not been recovered.
    Owing to this bad disposition of the natives the country of the South Umpqua remains unoccupied by our people though its value as a farming and grazing country in the immediate vicinity of the gold mines is fully appreciated.
    The attempt of a single individual to visit the Rogue River Indians at any time but particularly in the winter season is an idea to me so preposterously absurd that I should certainly consider it an act of insanity. I have only to remind you that the Rogue River country is inhabited by a people amongst whom safety is only secured by constant vigilance to detect and strength to resist aggression--where much property and many lives have been lost--to the truth of which each year adds its separate list of wrongs to the sad record, and the year 1850 has not been barren of its tragedies--besides the usual amount of thefts and robberies, to my knowledge eight victims have fallen at the hands of these ruthless murderers, all without provocation or resistance, and many of them circumstances of aggravated atrocity.
    But aside from the dangers to be apprehended from the inhabitants, were none to exist a single individual could scarcely make his way, alone and unassisted, over the many large and rapid streams now swollen to torrents that intervene between this and Rogue River; at least it would be attended with great danger.
    To the remaining queries contained in your note at a time of more leisure I will with pleasure reply to the best of my information.
    Before closing permit me to notice the good effect which your talk with the Indians of this vicinity appears to have had upon them, and to congratulate you upon the near prospect you have of at last being able to bring to punishment some, perhaps all, the surviving murderers of the late Mr. Newton, killed in this valley in the fall of 1846, an object most necessary to the quiet and safety of this valley & which none of your predecessors have been able to effect.
NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 12; Letters Received 1848-1852, 1850 No. 33.  Anson Dart's cover letter to the above is below, under date of December 30.  A copy of Applegate's letter is found in NARA Series M234, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, Reel 607 Oregon Superintendency 1842-1852, frames 821-826.


To Dr. Anson Dart
    Superintendent of Ind. Affrs.
        Oregon Ter. Oregon City
            Dear Sir
                In my last from McKenzie River I gave you an account of my doings up to that date. I have visited all the tribes & nearly all the bands & to traverse their valleys & the upper waters of the Willamette River. I find four great divisions in this field divided into a great no. of small bands, viz, the Molalla divided into 2 bands, one on the Molalla River & the other ranging from McKenzie River to headwaters of Rogue River. 2nd Klickitats ranging in several bands from the Tualatin Plains to the Calapooia of the Umpqua, nearly or quite all spending the winters on the waters of the Umpqua. 3rd. Calapooia 15 bands speaking 7 different dialects. 4th Umpqua N. of Umpqua River in 4 different bands speaking 4 different dialects. There are also 3 different dialects between the ferry & the Kennion. I have obtained the statistics of most of these bands. There are a few who have returned from this valley to the waters of Mary's River & Long Tom, which I purpose to visit soon. In two instances I have given flour to the Indians collected for a talk. Food is all-important in our intercourse with the Indians. At Mr. Applegate's on Elk Creek I found 10 head of oxen belonging to the government strayed from a band taken last season to Fort Hall & found their way back to this place. One of these oxen I caused to be killed for the Calapooias & Klickitats now in this vicinity and for the following reasons. 1st It is no use to confer with an Indian unless he is made to feel you know what only can touch an Indian's feelings. 2nd I wished to sharpen up this feeling in the Umpquas. They have in their nearest camp one of the murderers of the lamented Newton, killed 6 miles beyond the ferry. This Indian is a terror to the settlers & it is all-important that he should be secured. But in the absence of a military post to protect the settlement it would make the matter worse for the settlers to attempt to take him. The Umpquas themselves should be made willing by some means to deliver him up. Of course but two motives could be held out to them with any prospect of success, i.e., property & food. The former I had not, the latter I presented in as tempting a position as possible. Immediately on killing the first ox I announced to the Indians that the Umpquas would get another fat ox as soon as they delivered up the Indian who had lost two teeth that he might be taken to Mrs. Newton (now Mrs. Powers I believe) that she might say whether he was one of the three who killed her husband, as all the whites & Indians are of the opinion that he is. The next day with an Indian guide I proceeded to the Calapooia 12 miles short of the ferry, arriving after sundown in a violent snow storm. The river was too violent to venture the horses & the ride and started off to find a camp. I raised 3 men upon the opposite side of the river who said they would get me if from a tree which had been used to cross and if I could get to it. I staked out my horse, put up my saddle & blanket, took my saddle bag, & waded onto the tree, the water coming up to my hips. I found but a limb of the tree above water. The men saw the danger & urged me to remain till morning when they would make a canoe & cross me over. But the idea of taking the frozen ground for a bed & the cold chills for a supper, called to mind too vividly the 6 days & nights I was fleeing from the Indians without food, sleep or rest & with bare feet on the frozen ground, cut rocks & prickly pears & committed myself to the quivering, slippery limb & Providence conducted [me] safe over. The next morning the tree had rolled under; a narrow escape. I was as kindly entertained by the family living at the place as their crowded situation would admit. I sent for a half breed living 2 miles distant & what was my surprise to find in him the same Louis whom I met hiding with the priest. An Indian, the latter to tomahawk me & who as the Indian wheeled to reload his pistol spoke those then-memorable words to me, "Flee nights, secrete yourself by day & keep in a country in which you are acquainted" & I flew. He left the priest immediately & came to the lower country & last year settled at this place with a wish to live with the Americans. He speaks the Nez Perces as well as I can understand the Klickitat, has a wife of this tribe, the jargon, two or three dialects of the Calapooia, two or three dialects of the Umpqua, is well acquainted with every part of the country between the Rogue River, Fort Hall & the coast & will be of great service as interpreter. I learn from him that the Umpqua chief was camped near. With Louis & two Calapooia I repaired to the camp, told the Umpquas that the great chief of the whites (Bostons) had sent me to make known to them his determination to deal kindly & justly with them, that I had thus far numbered the Indian tribes as friends, but here I had come to a spot of blood. I can go no further until this blood is wiped away or covered up. All the friendly Indians & the whites pointed to an Indian in their camp as one who helped to spill this blood. If the chief of the Umpquas would the next day bring this man to Mr. Applegate's to be taken to Oregon City, I would enroll them at once among our friends, & they should forthwith have one ox to eat. And left them. The next day [I] returned to the settlement, as the water was too high to cross my horse.
    On my return a Calapooia chief of the Tualatin band stated through Mr. Applegate that one of the murderers of Newton is now in the French settlement, has confessed the murder to an Indian now living near the Institute. Mr. A. tells me that the description he gives of this Indian answers that given by Mrs. Newton. I have persuaded the Indian to wait a few days till I can proceed forthwith & before my intelligence, to arrest the Indian & take him to Oregon City with the other if he is brought.
    I have learned with the deepest anguish that [what] was sent abroad as floating reports is a horrible reality! Two women & two children are if yet alive captives in the bloody hands of the Rogue River Indians, the sport of their unrestrained brutality. My blood curdles as I write. The captivity of my dear child, then 10 years of age, in the hands of the bloody Cayuse, although but for 4 weeks, has more than prepared me for the awful duties now devolving upon me. The whole parent & the whole husband are dissolved into burning anguish. Oh, that I had the wings of the wind & the power adequate to deliver them from those indescribable sufferers. But they are beyond the arm of power. In fact the appearance of an armed force in their vicinity would only be the signal for their butchery. Myself, family & the captives at Waiilatpu were in like circumstances. They can be saved only by property, and the Klickitats in my opinion are the only agents for this in the opinion of every settler in Umpqua who can undertake the work with any prospect of success. Quatley, the principal Klickitat chief, with a part of his people are yet on the Long Tom. I shall go as soon as possible to see him & shall offer him 50 blkts. for a child & 75 for a woman.
    I have offered the Klickitats also $10.00 for every stolen horse they may retake from the South Umpquas, the Rogue River & Klamath Indians.
    I have not time now to give you a history, sketch of the country, the no. of families, the future prospects, the natural facilities &c. but will in my quarterly report. There is no liquor sold or kept to be sold to Indians. At another time I have an important question to settle on this matter.
    I have now questions on two painful subjects to propose & shall wait your answer before I take a step. One the killing of an Indian by an American last year, the other the murder of an Indian caused by a French man relative to the first case. Mr. T'Vault of Oregon City I believe is testimony. He reports that a Mr. Officer when on his way to California shot an Indian in most aggravated circumstances. You had better see Mr. T'Vault & learn the particulars & then let me know what I am to do. The other case is as follows. The Frenchman in charge at Fort Umpqua is believed to have caused the murder of an Indian by two other Indians, relatives of the Frenchman's wife. Louis, my interpreter, tells me there is no doubt. He is to consult another Frenchman who is the principal witness. It is the opinion of the Americans that the Frenchman is guilty. Shall I inquire into it? The murder took place but a short time ago. My views & reasons for a military post to be established immediately on South Umpqua, the practicability of employing the Klickitats as rangers in the south frontiers, the importance of surveying a route up the W. Umpqua & through N. of Mary's River, the new discovery of a W. branch of the Umpqua R. heading in a like E. of the Coast Range, so opening an easy communication into the Upper Willamette, the propriety & humanity of allowing the Indians to remain on some portion of their lands, the vital question what shall constitute a right to the soil when we come to meet with the tribes, with other questions will be noticed in my report. I see my work will call me frequently to the headwaters of the Willamette, the Indians of this region making that their place of camping a portion of the year. The late discovered mines on the waters of Rogue River are occupying some 200 this winter & will be likely to call the attention of vast nos. from the Willamette next season. It is manifestly of the first importance that I accompany them if possible. I think their regions hold out stronger inducement for immediate action than the Cayuse country. In this I think you have judged correctly.
    Last Friday night the Umpquas arrived at Mr. Cowen's after night. In the morning I met them. The chief & the father of [the] suspected one were present. They said they had brought the man within a short distance when he suddenly left them & gave as a reason that he unfortunately had lost two teeth & might be mistaken by the woman for the guilty one which had this mark, two teeth wanting, but he was dead. The Indians in good Indian style demanded the beef. I told them that they can't have no beef nor any of the property when the ships arrived unless the Indian was delivered up. That such conduct showed that he was guilty, that he made himself away, hiding at the approach of the whites & that he would be in danger of being shot by the first white man who might meet him. His only safety if innocent was to go & look the white woman in the face & if she said he was innocent all the whites would be satisfied & receive him as a friend. The father & chief left to bring him, but I think he has escaped. However this may be the great object is attained. The tribe are now with us & against the murderer, as they will to some extent pursue him & he will have to leave, at best can expect no more countenance from his people. The case would have been very different had the whites attempted to take him (as Gov. Lane did), then his people would have protected him (or they did in that case) & become our enemies. The punishment of the Indian is not of so much consequence as to secure a peaceable relation with the tribe. As I can wait no longer the Indian if apprehended is to be brought on by Mr. Applegate.
    The reasons why I did not visit the Indians on South Umpqua & Rogue River are to be found in Mr. Applegate's letter which I herewith forward & will I doubt not be satisfactory.
NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 12; Letters Received 1848-1852, 1850 No. 35.



    Notice is hereby given that all the country known as the "Grand Ronde," supposed to be in latitude 45 degs. 30 min. north, and longitude 117 degs. 40 min. west, being about three hundred miles east of the Cascade Mountains, is reserved for the residence of an Indian agent and agricultural purposes, for the use of the Indians; therefore, no claims or reservations can be located on said tract of land without the consent of the general government.
Oregon Spectator, Oregon City, December 12, 1850, page 3



Dear Sir;
    Your favor per Mr. Leland, dated October 7th, is recd. Your request is complied with, see Oregon Spectator of December 12th.
    I was authorized by the Department to have built the Superintendent and agency buildings out of the funds in my hands, but I have asked the Department to allow me to have built a store house for Indian goods and such other articles as may be used for paying the Indians for their lands and for presents &c. &c. This would require about four thousand dollars. Did you fix our pay here the same as is allowed for the same offices in California. There would seem to be strict justice in its being so; both countries, lying side by side on the Pacific, and both subject to the same extravagant prices for living. I trust you will not let anything pass that does not mete out the same justice to Oregon that is fixed for California. I have not seen the acts of Congress since I left, but your standing in the House is so manifestly popular that I count it about equal to the two votes that California has in the Senate.
    Oregon is filling up with settlers beyond all former calculation. I believe there will be twenty thousand added next year. Every vessel coming to Oregon is full of passengers, and every boarding house and tavern in Oregon is full to overflowing.
Hon.
    Saml. R. Thurston
        Delegate
NARA Series M2, Microcopy of Records of the Oregon Superintendency of Indian Affairs 1848-1873, Reel 30; Miscellaneous Loose Papers 1850-1873.



Sir:
    I have the honor herewith to transmit a copy of a letter from Jesse Applegate, addressed to H. H. Spalding Esqr., Indian agent for southwestern Oregon. Mr. Applegate is a gentleman of high standing and one of the oldest settlers in the Umpqua Valley. I am fully persuaded that it is indispensably necessary that there should be a detachment of U.S. troops sent to the Umpqua, with as little delay as possible. I would therefore respectfully recommend that the troops under command of Maj. Hathaway at Astoria should be ordered to the Umpqua. They are of but little use at their present location, there being but few Indians in that part of the country, and what few are there can be easily managed without the troops, as they are all friendly with the whites. Mr. Spalding's letters to me on this subject are numerous and lengthy. I could not, therefore, better condense his views as to the necessity of sending troops to the Umpqua than by transmitting a copy of Mr. Applegate's letter.
Hon. Commissioner
    of Indian Affairs
        Washington D.C.
NARA Series M234, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, Reel 607 Oregon Superintendency 1842-1852, frames 821-826.  Applegate's letter is above under date of December 7.



    (The following interesting private letter from General Joe Lane has been kindly furnished the Journal for publication. It is addressed, as will be seen, to a relative of the General's, an amiable and accomplished lady, residing in Henderson. The many friends of General Lane will be happy to read this, as indeed they would any production from his pen.--Ed. JOURNAL.)
Mrs. Lucy S. Dennis, Henderson, Ky.:
    MY DEAR COUSIN--In the month of July, 1850, with a small party of white men and some fifteen braves of the "Klickitat" tribe of Indians, under their young and brave chief "Squatly," I set out to visit the "Rogue River" Indians, distant from our outside settlement 150 miles. They were at that time the most warlike, treacherous and villainous of all the tribes on our coast, and owned the country, including the great "Rogue River Valley," through which passed the trail from Oregon to the gold fields of California, and many robberies and murders were by them being constantly committed on our people going and returning from the mines. My object was, if possible, to hold a peace talk with them, and place relations with them on friendly terms, that our people could pass safely through their country and get them to restore to the owners the gold, horses and other things taken from them. It was some days after we arrived in their country before we could induce them or their chiefs to agree to hold a peace talk. This once settled, the day and place fixed upon, we continued to maintain good order and wait their coming. The place agreed upon was a narrow valley, between the base of a high mountain and the bank of a river. The country was partly open and partly timbered, and very bushy; a good place for a talk or a fight. My party was well armed. Each man, Indian and white, had at least ten shots ready. The enemy had bows and arrows, knives and tomahawks. I had often advised and consulted with "Squatly" and directed him while the talk was going on to keep a sharp lookout for the Rogues and to stand near the great chief, backed by his braves, and if he noticed anything like treachery to seize the chief and have his braves lay hold of the subordinate chiefs, and if a fight ensued to kill all these chiefs instantly, with the great chief, and then join in the fight. Well, for an hour the talk had been going on when an additional party of their warriors arrived and took seats in the half circle. I looked at "Squatly." He touched his six-shooter that hung to his belt, and quickly took a position near the great chief, who at once caught the eye of our party. I saw they were ready, and directed the interpreter to make known all that I had said, and then went on telling them the advantages of peace, how they should be protected and receive presents, &c.; but all at once, and as quick as a flash, every one of the treacherous scoundrels sprung to their feet, and were in the act of commencing an attack. Quickly I looked at "Squatly," and saw that two of his braves had the grand old chief as safe as if in a vise, and Squatly held his head back with his big knife at his throat, and I at once saw our braves had all the other chiefs safe, and quickly I ordered my men not to fire, and after much confusion the talk was resumed, but directly the council broke up. I let the warriors depart, but I kept the big chief a close prisoner for this time. Suffice to say that in a few days the Indians came in and a treaty was made, and for a time peace prevailed. I had with their great chief, while we kept him a prisoner, much talk, and he became my friend, and though after that I had some bloody fights with him, and from which I now suffer much, having been several times wounded. He would in the middle of a fight call out for a "talk," when he found that I commanded, but many other tribes would join him, and we had to fight them as we found them. On parting with this chief ever after known as "Joe" (I suppose for myself) which name at his request I gave him, he asked me to accept the present of a poor Indian naked boy, a prisoner about twelve years old. The boy looked as miserable a human being or other poor captive criminal as he could look. Well, I told him I had no horse for the boy to ride. He then said "I will give you a horse and the boy." I accepted the present, and had my Indian servant to take him to the river and scrub and wash him. He could swim like a duck. I had a clean shirt put on him; the garment came to his heels, and was for a time his only wardrobe. I have given you this long and true history in order to introduce the poor prisoner Indian boy. He did not live but two years and a half, but he made history for himself, and I can truly say that he was the smartest Indian that I ever saw. One year I had him with me in the mountains, in mines and in fights with Indians. I kept him handsomely clothed, booted and spurred. I cannot now hold out to write his history and will only say that at one time he saved the lives of many of my party, especially a Mr. Driscoll, who in one moment would have been off and been burned at the stake, and I could again tell you how he saved my own life when it was utterly impossible for me to hold out against the savages three minutes longer, and how dearly and faithfully he loved and cared for my safety. Always on the watch, with keenest instinct, knowledge and sharpest hearing or, as our mountain men would say, "the best ears that were ever given to anyone." And yet never did that boy speak one word--all by signs alone; as plain to me as words. I named him John.
    If I can find time and do not lose the use entirely of my arms and fingers, I will continue his history. Now, in my cottage solitary and alone how often I think of my faithful Indian boy, John? I do not now spend much of the summer at home, but travel and visit old friends. All well.
    Your old cousin, affectionately,
Evansville Journal, Evansville, Indiana, September 6, 1880, page 4



    INDIAN TRIBES OF OREGON.--The following are the tribes of that territory, with the number of souls in each, as computed from the latest sources:

	Cape Flattery Indians	1400
	Snoquamish Indians	500
	Tribes along the western shore of Puget Sound	500
	Tribes along the shore of Hood's canal	200
	Those around Nisqually, Puyallup, and Snohomish rivers	550
	Those living on the southern extremity of Whidbey Island,     called the Snohomish	330
	The Snoqualmies	350
	Skegwomish Indians	450
	The Skagits	500
	The Lummi Indians	220
	The Cowlitz Indians	120
	The Chinooks	100
	The Quinault and Chehalis	300
	Others living on the Columbia not named	150
	Those living on the Falls of the Columbia	130
	Molallas	100
	Clackamas Indians	60
	Molallas	20
	Klickitats	180
	Calapooias	60
	Tualatins	60
	The Yamhill Indians	90
	Luckiamute Indians	200
	Umpqua Indians	200
	The Tillamooks	200
	The Clatskanies	300
	Clatsop Indians	50
	Cathlamet Indians	58
	The Skilloots	200
	The Namoits	50
	Rogue River Indians	800
	Yakima Indians	200
		8448

Sacramento Transcript, July 29, 1850, page 3


    So much of Oregon as lies north of 42° N. to the Columbia River is about 300 miles wide, while from the coast of the Pacific to the range of the Cascades is from 100 to 160, giving an area of about 40,000 square miles. Within this circuit are the Willamette, Umpqua and Rogue River valleys--the first the largest by one-third, or probably as extensive as both the others, but possessing far less natural resources than the Umpqua; the prairies are larger, with less valuable timber; a greater scarcity of water is also noticed, and a climate less bland, especially in the northern portion of it. Besides her advantages as regards her proximity to a safe and commodious harbor, this region is much inferior to the Umpqua in the transportation of her produce down the Willamette, and thence some 140 or 160 miles to the mouth of the Columbia. There are somewhere between two and three thousand Indians north of the Umpqua Mountains, consisting of the remnants of the several tribes--the Chincoops, Klickitats and Umpquas. The severe lesson taught them in "civilization" and the idea of our "manifest destiny" has made very good citizens of them. They possess a principle of sterling honesty and integrity which reflects great credit on the Oregonians as teachers of their uncultivated mind.
    Our northern neighbor not only produces some "tall specimens of humanity," but everything else in keeping with them: not only in her mountains, but her forest trees, which not unfrequently obtain an altitude so great that.a "native" of the city has to look twice to see their tops. The pole on our square is hardly a specimen; a tree was cut at the Umpqua, for a beacon for vessels, which was one hundred and ten feet long, only nine inches at the butt, and three and a half where cut off at this extreme length. Of the mountains of Oregon we may remark that Mount Shasta is fourteen thousand and seven hundred feet in height, and is covered with perpetual snow. It is one of the most beautiful mountain peaks in our country. Mount Pitt is one of the higher peaks in the Cascade Range, and is in Oregon, Lat. 42° 56" N. The altitude of this mountain is only eleven thousand feet, and it is covered with snow most of the year. The average height of the Cascade Mountains is about eight thousand feet.
Daily Pacific News, San Francisco, January 4, 1851, page 1


    The reader, by referring to a chart of the coast, will find, a little north of Trinidad, a headland called Gihon Bluff. The following paper tells how it came by this name, and the incidents related form a part of the history of the Gold Bluff excitement of 1850.
    When I landed in San Francisco, in the middle of January, 1850, after a six months' voyage around the Horn, the first acquaintance I met was Mr. Fred Kohler, afterwards Chief of the Fire Department. He had a jewelry store in a low, one-story building on Clay Street, a few doors above Kearny, and next door to the office of Colonel Stevenson--who was, by the way, a very active man in those days. In the rear of this store was a large shed, where Mr. Kohler and Mr. David C. Broderick conducted what was known as the "Miners' Mint," where they coined gold dust into five- and ten-dollar pieces. On the other side was a house called the American Hotel--a well-kept place, among whose guests I recall Mr. and Mrs. Lucian Herman, and Miss Tallfry, afterward wife of Surgeon Woods, of the Charleston.
    I had known Mr. Kohler in New York, so I stepped in to see him at once. He seemed delighted to see me, and with the usual hospitality of the day invited me to swing my hammock in the "Mint." This was big luck, for lodgings were scarce and dear--many of the inhabitants lived in tents, and even a good-sized packing box did not go long without a tenant; so I accepted with gratitude.
    I had not been long in the "Mint" when I made the acquaintance of Mr. Jack Tillman, an employee of Mr. Kohler. Jack was much given to poetry, and of a lively imagination. He was getting $16 a day--some jewelers received $20--but like everyone else then, he expected to strike it rich in the mines, and wages of any amount were of little consequence. The business of the "Mint" brought together many miners, and the air was full of exciting stories of rich discoveries. One of the most enticing reports was about the Forks of the Klamath and Trinity rivers. Jack became greatly excited over these stories, and we talked it over and determined to try our fortunes at the Forks.
    But the way to get there was the question, as the country was little known and said to be inhabited by troublesome Indians. This did not deter us, as the spirit of adventure was strong within us.
    An old-fashioned bark named the Hector, Captain Kemp master, Mr. Fred Woodworth consignee, was moored astern of the old Niantic (then used as a store ship), at the corner of Clay and Sansome streets. She was up for Trinidad Bay, and we decided to take passage on her. I think the fare was sixty dollars in the cabin.
    We provided ourselves with the ordinary camping outfit--a small tent and some provisions--and embarked. We found the cabin accommodations limited to four bunks, but there was a camp of some forty or fifty Frenchmen between decks. These were a fine body of men, very intelligent; many of them were professional men.
    The bark sailed about the middle of March, and went rapidly down the bay on an ebb tide; but when we got outside we were met by a strong headwind, which lasted throughout the voyage; and as the Hector was a poor sailer close-hauled, we made little headway. The occupant of the berth below me was a little man named Captain Trundy. He was a seafaring man, but he had been married just before he left home for the gold fields; and as the bark would pitch and heave, and day after day make no apparent headway, it told terribly on the Captain. We were thrown so closely together that he became confidential; and he would curse his luck for having left so dear a spouse, and wonder if he would ever see her again!
    We kept on this way for about three weeks, and then the provisions began to give out. The captain ran up within seven or eight miles of land, but could not see anything that looked like Trinidad, so he concluded to put about and return to San Francisco. As the land seemed so near, however, it was proposed to lower a boat, make the shore, and try, if possible, to find out our position. To this the captain consented; but as he was short of hands, four of us volunteered to go. We put in some provisions and water and pushed off. We had not gone far when we were up to the thwarts with water, and were reluctantly compelled to turn back. We barely reached the ship in a sinking condition. The boat had been so long out of water that her seams were all open.
    As I look back now, what a foolish venture that was! for had we reached the shore, what possible information could we expect to get? The beach was even then strewn with the wreck of a vessel that had gone ashore but a short time before, and I think all hands were killed by the Indians. Had we escaped the Indians, we never could have got off again, the surf was so high. The plight we were in saved us a good deal of ridicule as we made the bark.
    The Captain now concluded he had run too far north, so he put about, and running before the wind, it was not long before we came to anchor in Trinidad Bay.
    We had scarcely landed when we were notified by a Doctor Clapp that the place was all pre-empted, but that, by courtesy, we might remain. Mr. Tillman and I immediately began pitching our tent and getting things into order. We then started out to take in the town, which seemed to consist of about a dozen tents pitched in the most accessible place. One near me was fitted up with a rude bar. Among the inhabitants of this rudimentary town, I remember that I met Judge Tobin, now of the Hibernia Bank, and Mrs. Tobin, Smythe Clarke, of the Bohemian Club, Frank Lemon, Harry Mathews and Mr. Cogswell, of Oakland, Major Sailes, Major Rowe, D. B. Horton, of Los Angeles, and J. P. Sheppard.
    Shortly after we went to bed, the heavens opened, and down came the rain, likewise the tent, owing to our inexperience in putting it up. This gave me time to reflect, and I could not help thinking I was a fool to come all the way round the Horn to such a fine place as San Francisco, and then leave it to begin life in this way. But with the morning the clouds broke away and the sun came out bright and beautiful. So after a good breakfast, we got our tent up again, and after putting it in order, started out to see the children of the forest.
    The novelty of our appearance was a little dulled to them by those that had preceded us, but they were entirely new to us. They were perfectly friendly and good-natured, but eternally begging. ''Ak-cheek ak-auny,'' or something like it, that meant, "Give us something," was in the mouth of everyone, from the chief down to the smallest child. They would not touch our food, but wanted anything else, from a button to a hatchet.
    The woods around Trinidad were, at this time, the spring of the year, very beautiful. What with them, and the novelty of being in an Indian country, I quite forgot my original plan for a time, and spent many days in wandering about the woods and visiting the Indians, and was very happy.
    Meanwhile a party of about a dozen were getting ready to start for the Trinity River gold fields; and they invited me to join them. I accepted the invitation,and hastened my preparations, as we were to start in a few days. Our route to the Trinity would be over a mountainous country, traversed only by Indian trails, and all our provisions, tools, and arms had to be packed on our backs, for there were no pack animals in Trinidad at that time. Mr. Mathews owned a large pack train that was coming over the mountains, but his mules had not yet arrived; and even if they had, packing was a dollar a pound, which was a poor show for us. Mr. Mathews had just come in in advance of his train, and represented the Indians as dangerous; but the news did not deter us from starting as soon as all was ready.
    The way we packed things on the back in those days was to get the biggest sack we could find, sew up the open end, make an opening in the center to put the head through, and throw it thus over the shoulders; then we would fill up the ends with all a fellow could stagger under. Mind you, we were supposed to be carrying provisions for a month. I recollect one fellow, a New Zealander, who, besides his blankets, tools, and arms, had a one-hundred-pound sack of flour on his shoulders.
    During all this time the weather was delightful. So we made an early start, bidding farewell to Jack Tillman, who was not going with us, and soon found ourselves following an Indian trail through the beautiful forest. We were so heavily loaded down that one poor fellow, in going down a steep place, was overbalanced and went head over heels. Why he was not strangled is a mystery, but he was not, neither was he hurt. You couldn't hurt anybody in those days.
    How I enjoyed this trip through the woods! 'Tis true, the pack was heavy, but what was that?--my heart was light. Had I been handicapped like Captain Trundy it would have been a different matter. We were a motley set as we straggled along, but all in high spirits, expecting rich finds. We knew nothing whatever about the route, except that we had to strike off perhaps eighty miles to the north and inland. We had met no one that had been over it except Mr. Mathews, and there was no road of any sort to follow.
    After struggling on all day, and making some nine or ten miles--were I to judge by my feelings, I should say fifty--we came to a bluff looking down on a beach, and out on the ocean. As it was near the close of the day, we camped here.
    When we got about in the morning, we found that a number of things were missing from the camp. We talked the matter over, and several of us started to find the thieves. Presently we struck a narrow trail that led down to the beach. We followed it, and had not gone far when we came upon a group of miserable huts. My companions at once began firing their guns. The occupants of the huts, who had been fast asleep, ran out and scattered. Some of the party went into the huts, and found a rifle and other articles, which the Indians had stolen during the night; likewise about a dozen hatchets, which they had picked up from time to time at Trinidad. On this, our men began firing at the Indians. I protested strongly against this cowardly and wanton murder of the poor naked savages, but I know there were several killed. One poor fellow in particular had run and hid himself among the rocks when the firing began, but his curiosity tempted him to peep out, and he had no sooner showed himself than a ball struck him in the breast. He leaped into the air and then fell back. I went arid clambered over the rocks and saw him lying in a heap, his long hair spreading about him in every direction. In another instance I jumped and caught the hammer of a gun on my finger as it descended, and saved one life. All this was very early in the morning and seemed to me a dreadful way to begin our journey.
    As the party retraced their steps up the narrow trail, I happened to be the last, and by accident I glanced back. But for that, I should have had an arrow in my back: an Indian had crept up behind me, and with his arrow drawn to his shoulder was about to discharge it. Seeing himself discovered, he fled to the brush.
    When we got back to camp, we found those that had remained preparing breakfast. They were all quite jubilant at what had happened, and said that was the way to serve Indians. When I remonstrated, they simply laughed at me. I singled out one who I thought sympathized with me, took him aside, and proposed that we return together. I was afraid to go back through the woods alone, and I did not wish to remain with the party. Much to my disappointment, he refused, and repeated as the rest did, that that was the way to serve Indians.
    Up to this time I had enjoyed my trip; my load was heavy, but I was strong, the forest was new to me, and I suffered nothing from fatigue. But now everything was changed. I was associated with men who thought nothing of murder. My heart was heavy, and I would have given anything to have left them instantly. I had never seen such an affair before, and it made me sick at heart.
    After breakfast we descended to the beach, and continued our journey mostly through the sand. This was very fatiguing, and it made it more so that I had nothing in common with my party, and would not talk with them. Towards the close of the day we reached what I think are called the Bald Hills. Here we were to leave the coast, and strike inland over a mountainous country. Before we began the ascent we sat down to rest. Presently as we sat there, a young Indian girl came along the beach, and right up to us. She seemed to be in the greatest distress, sobbing and waving her hands. We had doubtless killed her father, or someone dear to her. As she passed by, she looked back at us with such agonized reproach that it lessened the courage of those bravoes perceptibly.
    After a weary climb we made the summit, and sat down to rest. We could see from here the beach we had just passed over, some nine or ten miles. Presently we saw in the distance what appeared like a body of Indians coming to attack us. The girl, we concluded, had been a messenger, sent ahead to warn the Indians in advance of us of our approach. We were badly scared, for there was no cover on these Bald Hills; but we made a breastwork with our rolls of blankets and camping traps, behind which we could lie down when it became necessary. Had the Indians come up, I would have joined their side could I have made them understand, for I was put in the position of having to fight, to save my own life, on the side of men that I now detested and believed altogether in the wrong. It was a trying moment as we saw them coming nearer and nearer. How we strained our eyes!
    Presently someone said, "No Indian would carry a rifle on his shoulder in that way! " Could they be white men? We did not know of any party that was intending to start immediately after us. But yes, away in the distance we caught the faintest strain of the old song, "Dearest Mac." As they approached, there could be no mistake.
    I was so delighted at the chance to get away from this miserable set that I sprang up and ran down to meet the newcomers. I hastily told them all that had happened, and begged to be allowed to join them. When they heard my story they said, "Come by all means!" Greatly relieved, I took up my march with them. They proved not to be bound for the mines, but an exploring party, going up the coast to find portages, and anchorages for vessels; so they had already reached the point where their route diverged from that of the first party, going on along the coast, instead of striking up over the hills. I had no objection to this change of program--anything to get away from the crowd of bravoes, and to escape going through eighty miles or so of Indian country in such company. To tell the truth, I was not especially set on getting to the mines; I was out in search of adventure--if the mines came in, well and good; if they didn't, well and good.
    "Where are your blankets and arms?" someone said.
    I told him I had left them behind, and I would rather go without them than meet those fellows again; I had a real horror of it. They told me I must have my outfit, so I made them promise to wait for me, and reluctantly went back.
    When I reached the top, where the other party still were, without saying a word, I began to pack up. The leader came up and demanded of me where I was going. I told him plainly that I was going to leave, and why. They said I should not do it, and made threats to prevent me. I felt that it admitted of no debate--I was going to leave; and, picking up my rifle, I asked, "Who will stop me?" and went on packing up as quickly as I could, and then descended rapidly to the waiting party.
    As soon as I joined them, we moved on, and before long came to camp. As we sat around the fire that night, I could not but notice the difference between them and my late companions. Though they were roughly dressed, their conversation was that of business and professional men. One of them I afterward knew as Mr. Gray, of the firm of Fonda & Gray.
    The next day about noon we made Klamath River. I cannot describe my feelings as we came upon this beautiful stream. We rounded a bluff, and there was that sheet of silver flowing swiftly on and mingling its waters with the Pacific just a few yards away. Looking upstream, we saw that the thick woods grew from the highlands down to the water's edge. In the distance we could see an Indian gliding along in his canoe. This was Sunday, and there seemed to be a Sabbath stillness; no sound could be heard except the occasional wail of some wild animal in the forest. It did seem like intruding on forbidden ground.
    The river seemed alive with salmon and seal--yet here in this sequestered place was going on that interminable war, the struggle for existence. A seal would dive and presently appear with a salmon in his mouth, which he would thrash upon the water, breaking it to pieces. Then a cloud of gulls would swoop down upon him, and seize the pieces, so that, though surrounded with plenty, he had to fight for the little he got, like common humanity.
    We must have been the first white men that ever stood on that bank, and we saw the primeval forest undisturbed. No one knew anything about the country then. Yet, oddly enough, another pioneer party was arriving there simultaneously with us, and on the same errand, though from San Francisco, not Trinidad.
    The schooner Laura Virginia, Captain Ottinger, had just come to anchor on the north side, about a mile away. We hailed an Indian in a canoe by firing a gun. He came up to the bank, looking at us with so much curiosity that we concluded we were the first white men he had ever seen. For a few beads, he willingly set us across to the other side. Soon after we landed, a boat came from the schooner and invited us on board.
    As we neared the schooner, I recognized my friend Jack Tillman. She had touched at Trinidad and he had taken passage for San Francisco. The Laura had on board a large party, who intended to pre-empt all sites that would be available for portage to the northern mines. They all seemed happy to be at anchor, for they had had a rough and dangerous time in crossing the bar. They were a jolly set, and invited me to spend the night on board.
    In the morning, as I was about to leave, Mr. Charles B. Young, one of our early backers, came up to me and made me a proposition. He wanted me to join one of his party, to go ashore and take up a town site on the south bank of the river. I was to receive one hundred dollars a month and provisions, and remain until the schooner came back.
    I accepted the proposition, and was then introduced to a Mr. James Kellogg (at present with Puget Sound Lumber Company), who was to be my companion.
    It was not long before a boat was loaded with tools and provisions, and the captain and some of the crew came ashore and put up for us a log and brush house in the woods, about one hundred feet from the river bank, which was here about ten feet high. The house was built by selecting a large tree, which supported the ridgepole; against this were placed logs in a slanting position. These were covered with brush, and the front was protected by a wicker door, which was to be closed at night. On the trunk of the tree, at the back of the hut, were hung all our arms and tools, making it look like a hardware shop. After finishing this hut, the captain and the others bade us goodbye; and I do not think any of us felt over-cheerful as they departed.
    Now began our life among the Indians. We had not been long alone when we were visited by a party of them. They were splendid-looking men--fine faces, long hair falling down their backs, well developed bodies, but nude. They were very friendly, and glad to see us. The first break they made was to take in the cabin. By standing in the door Mr. Kellogg prevented them from entering, which they tried several times to do. The display of arms and tools on the tree attracted their curiosity and interest irresistibly. As they took their departure they expressed more than ordinary friendship. Kellogg thought they overdid the thing.
    That night we slept the sleep of youth and fatigue. In the morning we saw a large empty space on the tree that was so artistically arranged the night before. Those fellows had actually entered our cabin, crawled over us, and stolen two of our axes and other tools without waking us! We had not thought of being on the lookout; we felt safe there.
    I was not sorry to have the axes gone, for we had been expected to clear away the forest. But I now for the first time realized our position, alone among savages--for the schooner left that morning. I was most fortunate in my companion, however. Mr. Kellogg was a kind, well-informed gentleman. So we set about making the best of our situation.
    We had one ax left. So after breakfast Kellogg would map out the work by selecting the biggest tree for me to annihilate. Now Kellogg knew just as much about woodcraft as I did; so after hacking about five minutes, he would come around to see how my work was progressing. During one of these respites he ventured the question whether I knew anything about Swedenborg. I was sorry to own up that I did not, but intimated that I should be glad to gain any information he could impart. The subject seemed a little intricate, but Mr. Kellogg was a zealous teacher, and he must have considered me an interested scholar, for when I thought I had chopped enough, I would bring up Swedenborg and ask for more light--and that was the end of chopping for that day.
    The Indians when they first came to visit us were very friendly, and generally brought their wives and children along, and made a family visit, spending a good deal of time with us; and between Swedenborg and them, the time seemed to pass delightfully. They pleased me very much. They were a fine class of humanity, undeveloped of course as to our civilized ideas of property, but they lived according to their lights, and they were physically perfect--the result of the fine living they could have there, joined with exercise; plenty to eat, and work to get it. The men were naked, the women wore bead aprons, and were scrupulously modest. These families were very social and pleasant, they almost seemed as if they were civilized.
    We picked up something of their language, and they of ours; but we could have gotten along without any language, the Indians are so wonderfully vivid and expressive with signs; you can get into communication right away.
    But this life was too good to last long. We noticed that the family visits began to drop off, and strange Indians began to make us feel very uncomfortable. They would glide close to the bank in their canoe, not making the least noise, and in an instant, half a dozen would be before us, as though they had risen from the earth.
    Fortunately for me, Mr. Kellogg was a very cool and brave man. On such occasions he would sit right in the door--and they would come and peer over him, and try to get into the house! It was very evident that they intended to take us by surprise, for they had an irresistible desire to get what we had left. They had by this time stolen nearly everything we had. Mr. Kellogg had a Colt's repeating rifle, which with the exception of a little smooth-bore rifle [sic], belonging to me, was all the arms we had. So as soon as these suspicious parties made their appearance, Mr. Kellogg, not wishing to show the least appearance of alarm, would throw his cloak over his shoulder, conceal a hammer under it, and await events. Meanwhile I would take the repeater and retire about sixty feet, to have them covered in case of an attack.
    On one occasion, as Kellogg sat guard in this way, one ugly devil stood over him with a long knife in his hand. Kellogg looked him square in the eye, for he knew he meant mischief. I had him already covered, awaiting the signal. But Kellogg seized the savage by the arm, and in a cool, determined manner led him to his canoe, and told him to leave, which he did, followed by the others, whom I had no trouble then in starting. I mention this as a singular instance of coolness and nerve. I am satisfied that had Kellogg shown the least fear he would have been killed.
    Many days as the sun began to sink in the west, and we sat watching it on the bank of that beautiful stream, we wondered if we should ever see it rise! Every now and then an Indian, in the role of a friend, would drop in and tell us that our throats were to be cut that night. We were by this time on the warpath, but want of sleep and constant strain of nerve began to tell on us. Our one ax we guarded with special care. In order that it should never be out of sight it was placed in a conspicuous spot, where we could continually see it from any point--but, alas, it went too. They had had their eye on that all along, and many and frequent were their incursions to get it. We had foiled them many times. But on this occasion, without the least warning, six Indians suddenly appeared before us, and seeing them naked threw us off our guard concerning the ax, though we always stood apart and were watchful. They seemed to be in unusually high spirits, and quite frolicsome, for Indians, and we made as if we shared their feelings. Just as they were about to depart, two of them went up to Mr. Kellogg and put their arms affectionately about him; two others made an advance upon me, which I repelled; the other two, our attention thus taken, walked quickly down to the canoe. All at once they all disappeared as if they had sprung into the air. We thought instantly of the ax. It was gone.
    We had a canoe, which we always drew up on the bank before going to bed. This they were eternally trying to steal. Often they would come in the middle of the night, and be just in the very act of vanishing with it; but it was heavy and they could not get it without some noise. We were now so trained that the slightest cracking of a twig would make us start up. One night, hearing the faintest crack, I crept to the wicket door. There were six Indians, three on a side, quietly walking off with the canoe. I sang out, and quick as thought they dropped the canoe and vanished, except one. This one, failing to get away quickly, and thinking that he was covered, came crouching right to the door. He seemed almost paralyzed with fear, expecting to be shot. Seen through the lattice door, with just light enough to show his dusky form and long hair falling over him, he looked like a devil.
    We now concluded to take turns standing watch. I would generally take the first watch--sitting in suspense, with my rifle, ready to spring out. What I suffered most from was that the nervous strain made me cold. O, what would I not give to sleep in peace! I do not remember how long this would last, but after a time I would conclude to just shut my eye for a moment--and that eye would never open again till the sun was well up and we had had a good night's rest.
    The Indians were now getting so bold, and we so worn out that we concluded to leave. About a half mile between us and the beach, a party of five or six had taken up a location on the bank of the river, and had built a log house. They told us that they were terribly harassed by the Indians, and almost everything had been stolen from them. At their request we joined their number, still waiting the return of the schooner. Among them was a Mr. Arthur, a brother-in-law of Mr. Beals, a Front Street merchant. They had come in to divide our claim, of course, and hold the place for some other party--but all desire of taking up land and animosity of rival claimants was lost in the instinct of self-protection.
    The Indians were so aggressive that a conflict on several occasions was barely averted. It had got to the point when something had to be done. Mr. Kellogg and I determined to bring it to an issue, so that night before going to bed it was agreed to open fire on any intruder. As Mr. Kellogg was rather near-sighted, he gave me his repeater, trusting to me.
    We all lay that night with our arms alongside us; but somehow I could not sleep. The idea got into my head that should the rifle go off it would tear my side out; so I set it standing against the logs.
    I had fallen into a sound sleep, when Mr. Kellogg touched me, at the same time whispering, "Gihon, see that Indian!"
    Instantly I was wide awake. Sure enough, there he stood. The campfire was nearly out, and cast just light enough to see his form: he had taken down the door, and in a stooping position was in the act of entering. As I reached for my rifle, I made a slight noise, and the figure moved; sitting up in bed, I fired as quickly as possible, right for the center of the door. Instantly the figure fell. For a time all was silence, while I sat waiting for the next one. Then to our amazement a voice said, "Who are you firing at?"
    "My God!" I said, " Arthur, is that you?"
    When Mr. Arthur found the bullet was aimed at him he turned quite faint, so that we had to carry him in. When he recovered, he said he heard a noise, and had crept to the door; but just then he heard me reach for my rifle, and looked around. That was what saved him, for the ball, aimed at the center of the door, had grazed him right across the breast, tearing his shirt.
    There was no more sleep that night. Poor Arthur, it was a long time before he regained his composure! and a long time before I did, for I should have felt bad about it all my life if I had killed him.
    We felt that this kind of life could not continue. We had got down to one pan; and every night we expected to have the house set on fire or torn down, and to be speared as we tried to escape. If they had been more used to white men they would have used us up. But they had no idea what power we might have in reserve; they were dreadfully afraid of our guns, and they thought there was something supernatural about us, and no one knew what we might do.
    One morning a party of four, one of them a Mr. Hoyt, came to our camp. They brought a specimen of gold that had just been discovered on the beach, at a place that they called Gold Bluff. The leader of the party was a German, named Ehrenburg; he will be well remembered by old-timers. He was a small man, but wiry; he was a surveyor by profession, but had traded and lived among the Indians a great deal, and was very daring among them--a second Kit Carson. He wanted volunteers to go to Trinidad with him, as he was very anxious to take his specimens there, and make arrangements for mining. As Mr. Kellogg was very anxious to get letters and know what was going on, he readily consented to my going along. I think our party consisted of six, one of whom was Mr. Gray.
    We were about fifty miles from Trinidad, and Gold Bluff was on the way, about ten miles from us. Ehrenburg must have heard there were whites on the Klamath, and so came up there first to strengthen his party before making the trip. He expected trouble at Redwood Creek, about halfway to Trinidad, for he had heard that the Indians there were very hostile, and had tried to drown several parties in ferrying them across.
    Redwood Creek is a small stream that flows into a large lagoon, which is separated from the ocean by a narrow beach. In the winter, or after heavy rains in the spring, this lagoon rises, and breaks through the sand-spit to the ocean, flowing with great force. When I passed this place before, this channel had not been made, so that our travel along the beach was uninterrupted; but now it was running like a millrace. When we came up and wanted to be set across, the Indians were very sulky and exacting in their demands. Ehrenburg, however, was provided with some beads and trinkets and managed to make a bargain, so we got along all right.
    The next day we made Trinidad. The news that we brought of the finding of gold, and the specimens, made quite an excitement, and started a party who proposed to set out the very next day and stake out claims. In this party were Major Rowe, Smythe Clarke, Frank Lemon, P. B. Horton, and five or six others. They did in fact get off the next day in the morning, after hasty preparations.
    About noon, Ehrenburg came to my tent, and proposed that Mr. Hoyt and I should start that afternoon, without telling our purpose, and push past the other party, and stake out claims before them. We had just come in from a fifty-mile walk, and there were no volunteers for this forced march. But Hoyt and I consented to go.
    We had one small rifle and a pistol, and before starting we provided ourselves with small swords, which we bought from a Frenchman, who had for sale beads and other trinkets for trading with the Indians. These swords were made like large daggers, about two feet long. The handle of mine had not been riveted, but this I did not know.
    It was afternoon before we started, but as we were lightly. packed, we walked very rapidly, and about dusk came up with the other party. They were quite surprised to see us, and pressed us very hard to sup and camp with them that night. This Hoyt objected to, for fear of losing time, but I saw no reason for pushing on, as we should have to camp very soon anyway, and alone, so I reasoned him out of the idea.
    Now this camp was on the very spot where I had camped before, when we had the first experience with the Indians, and the occurrences of that night were still fresh in my mind. After sitting and talking round the campfire awhile, we lay down, forming a circle round the fire. Hoyt and I lay a little way apart, by ourselves. We had walked so fast that we were too tired to sleep, so we lay talking and speculating on what our companions would think of our forced march. Everything around was as still as death, when I heard something disturbing one of the pans. Recollecting at once the former scene, and meaning to prevent a repetition of it, I seized my sword, which lay at my side, and without a moment's consideration sprang across the embers of the fire in the direction of the sound.
    One of the party, seeing me in this attitude, the sword in my hand, thought the Indians were upon us, and gave an unearthly yell.
    How fearfully it echoed through the forest! The party had a couple of mules staked out, and these mules were so scared that they arose and gave a deep groan. Everybody was now awake, and it came near being the death of me, for had I not spoken quickly I should have been shot; several pistols were drawn on me. There was no more sleep that night.
    By break of day we were off, without waiting for breakfast. At noon we stopped to rest, and about two o'clock we made Redwood Creek. As we approached the Indian village, which was a little way back from the beach, the Indians appeared to fall into a great altercation among themselves, and would pay no attention to us. We appeared to be the cause of the discussion. Whatever they were proposing to do evidently met with great opposition. This was unusual, for Indians are naturally rather silent.
    We signaled to them that we wanted to be ferried across. Presently, three or four came. They were very surly, and would not bargain unless we would give them our swords and blankets. We had provided the usual beads, but these they would not look at. We had each a fine red blanket on our shoulders, and they would shake their heads gruffly at the beads, and stand off and twitch the blankets, in a domineering, surly way, and point to the swords.
    We then motioned to them that a party was coming over the bluffs behind us, and that we would return and join them. When they saw we were really going to return, they wanted to take us for nothing. They gave a signal, and presently a canoe came along with five Indians in it. We would not get in until some of them got out. This they refused to do, until they saw that we were in earnest about going back; then two of them jumped out and swam around. We knew their purpose, and wanted to get away, but we could not help ourselves, so we got in. We had hardly left the bank when the swimmers climbed in again.
    Now, the canoe was very cranky, being so narrow, and so much top weight; and the lagoon was running with great rapidity into the breakers close by.
    When we got about the middle of the stream, the Indians began to rock the canoe as if in fun. Hoyt sat in the bow, holding his "pepper-box" pistol, and I was in the stern with my small rifle. When it became apparent that they intended to upset us, we pointed our weapons at them in so determined a manner that they seemed paralyzed. Those on shore began shouting to them, demanding, we supposed, that they upset the canoe, and then, finding that could not be done, that we be brought back. Accordingly, we were paddled back to the shore we had left. When we reached the bank, it was with some difficulty that we clambered ashore, as the sand gave way under our feet. Why they did not push us back into the current I never could understand, for we had to actually push them aside to make a landing.
    We told them they were no friends, and we would go back, and join the other party. We had not gone far when we were joined by two Indians, unarmed. Then three or four more came along, with two or three women. They laughed and talked with us in the most playful manner. All at once Hoyt looked around and saw that the women had been sent back, and under cover of the high land we saw several Indians running with bows and arrows.
    Hoyt thought this boded no good, and called my attention to it. He noticed also as we walked slowly along, that close by my side walked an Indian who carried a small hatchet--the only one there that had any weapon. At one time, as we were laughing and talking, Hoyt caught his eye and told me to look out for him--he looked ugly; but I had no fear, as all the others were unarmed.
    I had scarcely returned this answer, when a couple of fellows seized Hoyt. As I turned round to see what was the matter, two more seized my rifle, and while I was wrestling with them for it, I heard something that sounded like a gun exploding--the fellow with the hatchet had struck me above the left temple and cut a horrible gash in my head. Hoyt had freed himself, and looking for me, became terribly agitated at seeing the blood flow down my face and breast. It was a most singular thing that the blow did not stun me, not even daze me for an instant, but had the effect of making me very cool and determined; in fact, I felt like a changed man from the instant.
    Hoyt began firing, rather wildly, but he shot one man in the side, and another through the right hand. This made them furious, and they danced around us like devils, while the fellow with his hand bleeding would hold it up, rush at us, and urge the others to revenge.
    They began to close in on us, and we could see the beach covered with Indians hastening towards us, bringing bows and arrows. They had got my rifle away, and I had only the sword. Matters seemed desperate, but I determined to sell my life as dearly as possible. We had to break away from these fellows before the others came on with weapons. Even then it went against me to take life, but as they closed around me, I made a rush on one of them and stabbed him in the groin. When he saw the weapon coming, unarmed as he was, he folded his arms across his breast, to ward off the blow. They knew nothing of stabbing; they fought with slashing when they used knives, so he did not know how to meet the thrust.
    I had no sooner drawn blood than my reluctance disappeared. I would have been willing to stab the whole tribe; and as they closed upon me again, I sprang at one fellow and drove my weapon right through his body.
    But then I had an awful setback! I attempted to withdraw the blade--and what was my consternation when I saw the handle come off in my hand, leaving the blade in his body!
    To this day it gives me a dreadful feeling when I recall it. I felt for a moment that fate was against me, and let the handle drop helplessly from my extended hand. Then the thought came, "Get the blade!" I tried to draw it, but an Indian rushed forward to cut me down, with Hoyt's sword in his hand. That was the first time I knew that he had lost it. I made another attempt, which he met in the same way. He seemed satisfied to beat me off, instead of following me up, though he could have killed me easily--the most singular thing. As I sprang back to avoid him, another fellow seized a rock, and hurled it at me with great force, but I dodged it.
    All this time, the fellow who had my rifle would come quite close to me, squat, take aim, holding the rifle at arm's length, and try to fire, but he could not get it to go off. This kept us in some suspense. Finally two or three of them put their heads together, and this time did manage to set the hammer. He now came at me again, got down on his haunches, held the rifle at arm's length, turned his head away, and fired. Of course the ball went wide of the mark, and great was his surprise when he discovered nobody was killed. He kept this up for some time--he would fall back, set the hammer, and come at us again; but what a relief it was when that gun went off.
    Hoyt was a heavy man, and not much accustomed to violent exertion; he was brave but he was considerably excited seeing the condition I was in, and was firing at random. I cried to him that we must throw off our blankets and free ourselves, doing it myself as I spoke. This came near being fatal to me, for in excitedly throwing off his blankets he accidentally discharged his pistol, and the ball passed close to my breast, cutting the shirt. I said firmly: "Hoyt, let me have that pistol--I can do better execution with it." He instantly handed it to me. He saw that I was cool, and knew that he was agitated.
    Ahead of us was a bluff, which projected across the beach and into the ocean. It must have been about a mile away. O, could we reach that bluff! would our friends show themselves in time to save us? The wounds I had given seemed to have made a turning point in our favor: the Indians drew back, and while some seemed to be attending to their wounded friends, and others quarreling over the blankets we had thrown away, it gave us a chance to make for the bluff, and we reached it after an exhausting walk, or run, over the beach.
    This is the bluff I have spoken of, now known as Gihon Bluff. Reaching its foot, we started up the trail, hoping and longing to meet our friends.
    We had not gone far, Hoyt in the lead, when an Indian came stealthily up behind, and sunk an arrow deep into my left shoulder. Still I pushed on, looking every moment for help, until at last from exhaustion I missed the trail, and fell into the underbrush.
    On looking up I saw an Indian not ten feet above me. He had me at his mercy now, but so wild was he with excitement that nearly all his arrows missed, and many I managed to dodge. The bush in which I was sunk protected my body, and I had only to move my head and shoulders, with slight exertion. I did not experience any fear. But I remember thinking there was something horrible--like a devil--in that Indian's look, bending down over me, trying to kill me, his face distorted with the most awful rage; and every time he let fly an arrow he uttered a sort of wail of hatred.
    I was losing strength, however, and further resistance seemed impossible. Seeing me in despair and about to give up, the savage grew more determined and accurate in his aim. One arrow passed through my left ear and swung by the center; another would have gone through my neck, but I threw up my arm, when it entered below the elbow, and came out near my shoulder; another struck above the elbow joint, leaving a large barb in my arm; another took me glancing on my right temple, and as I turned my head, another in my right ear.
    As these arrows penetrated my flesh, I experienced no pain, but a strong feeling of sleep came over me, and I felt myself growing weaker and weaker from the loss of blood; but like an animal at bay I sprang up to grapple with my enemy, and strangle him--when an arrow struck me square in the right temple with such force that it shivered and broke. For a time everything grew dark. It seemed as though the last moment had come. Could I stand it any longer? It was with such great difficulty that I kept on my feet.
    I had not staggered far when I fell over Hoyt; he had fallen, and lay on his face, hidden by the brush. He said, "Gihon, for God's sake, go on--I can go no further." He was not wounded, but completely worn out.
    He drew the arrow from my back, and as he did so I said sternly, "Hoyt, you must get up; they'll be on you, and you can't escape."
    Poor fellow, as he got up, and was trying to get along, an arrow struck him about the middle of the left thigh, and passed clear through.
    At last, bleeding and torn, I reached the summit, expecting to hail friends close at hand. But alas! none were in sight. It was in vain that I strained my eyes for assistance far down along the beach in the direction that it should come. Not a living thing was in sight.
    I was now standing on the edge of a high bluff, overlooking the ocean. The face of this bluff was very steep and jagged; in fact, too dangerous for anyone to think of going down except from sheer necessity. I had been standing here but an instant when, turning around, I beheld a party of Indians coming up behind me.
    There was no alternative but to go down the bluff, so, jumping over in a moment of desperation, I went rolling, bumping, and sliding down over rocks and stones, and finally landed on a pile of rocks below, bleeding and bruised, and my clothes almost torn from me. For a time I was somewhat dazed, bewildered, and breathless.
    I regained my feet with much difficulty, and had not gone but a few steps, when a savage stood right before me. I was between him and the breakers. Now began a renewal of the scene I had just gone through. This thing was repeated at least a dozen times, but one arrow cut me across the breast, making a slight wound.
    All this time I had with difficulty managed to keep hold of Hoyt's pistol, and although I believed it was empty, I had used it to keep at bay the Indian who was shooting at me on the trail, by pretending to shoot him, and thus kept him at some distance while I made the top of the bluff. In the same way I now kept this Indian at some distance, by continually pointing the pistol at him.
    Meantime Hoyt had struck a trail that led to the beach, somewhat lower down, and reached it about one hundred and fifty feet ahead of me; and as I was now too weak to make any more resistance, and thought this fellow would finish me easily, I called to Hoyt, but he did not look around. I stood, meanwhile, coolly aiming at the Indian, and now, not expecting the pistol would go off, but merely instinctively, I pulled the trigger, to my amazement, it went off. Hoyt looked around at the sound, in time to see the fellow jump into the air and fall.
    But this had no sooner happened than another Indian presented himself, and seeing his companion fall, he picked up his bow and quiver, in which one arrow still remained, took a cool and steady aim at me, and shot it. The arrow buried itself in the sand at my feet. The Indian then turned to attend to his wounded companion, and I managed to hurry on and join Hoyt, who was limping along, the arrow still in his thigh.
    We got along some little distance, with great effort; but looking back we could see a number of Indians. As they would come up, they would stop and gather about their wounded comrade.
    Now began our most distressing time. Could we but make that other bluff! It was nearly a mile away, and it was just as much as we could do to drag along. We did not dare to hope, for we expected at any moment they would come on after us. Nor was this the worst: we expected every moment to fall into an ambush of some who had come around the sand dunes. Finally we made the foot of the bluff, but we were too weak to make the ascent.
    We sat down and rested, almost driven to despair. We could look back and see Indians in increasing numbers. Even now, should they resume the attack, we could not get away.
    My wounds began to pain me now. The sun was going down, and I was getting stiff and cold. As a forlorn hope we began the ascent. Hoyt tried to help me, but my shoulder pained so I could not bear to have him touch me.
    Almost to the top we struggled along--the Indians watching us, night coming on, and where were we to hide?
    Had we escaped so far only to be killed at last? In front, rounding a point of the trail, and coming toward us, Mr. Hoyt saw a couple of Indians.
    I was in such a shocking condition, all covered with blood, that Hoyt said to me, "Hide! hide! till they pass." He was afraid that if they saw my condition they would surmise what had happened, and finish us. But before I could get out of sight, they were upon us.
    They were both fine-looking men, clothed in skins, after their fashion. Each had his bow and quiver. When they saw me, they stood like statues for a minute, and passed on in silence. Would they return and kill us?
    It was now getting quite dark, and I was about giving up. We had made the summit, and looked in vain for comfort or protection. The cold spring wind from the ocean cut me to the bone; the loss of blood and pain were now telling on me at last in the extreme; we could not keep on much longer, and a night on this exposed spot, without fire, food, shelter, or clothing, seemed inevitable, with the probability that the Indians would follow us up and finish us. The hope that our friends might come had now died out. We kept on, however, and in a few minutes, suddenly, Mr. Horton and Smythe Clarke were there in front of us.
    I had been so played with by fate, between hope of escape and despair, and the continued suspense had been such a strain, that now when relief came, I saw them with indifference.
    A few moments later, the rest of the party appeared. They all turned back at once, and helped us down to the beach they had left, and after traveling about a quarter of a mile came to a little brush, with which they could make us a shelter. They did everything that humanity and kindness could suggest. They gave us their clothes and blankets, warmed water, and dressed my wounds. Major Rowe, who was a veteran of the Mexican War, and somewhat skilled in surgery, took charge of us, and with a packing needle and some twine, put a couple of stitches in my head. Meanwhile the others, fearing the attack would be renewed, set to work to build a breastwork.
    As there was plenty of driftwood on the beach, it was not long before they had quite a fort, and sat down to discuss the situation. It was decided that in the morning they would send to Trinidad for volunteers, and chastise the Indians.
    When they referred to me, it was something in this way: "Poor fellow, he stood it well, but he can't last till morning." Somehow, I thought differently. But one thing gave me great uneasiness--what if the arrows should be poisoned?
    In the morning Smythe Clarke and a companion started for Trinidad, and on the third day they returned with some thirty or forty volunteers. Among them were Judge Tobin, Mr. Harry Mathews, Captain Trundy, and a Doctor Anderson, of New York. That night the plan of attack was laid out, and in the early morning the party started, leaving Trundy and two others to stand guard over us.
    All this time Hoyt and I were in the hospital. My head was in such a condition that I did not dare move, for fear of inflammation. I kept thinking I felt something move under me, but I was too weak to investigate. Trundy was kind and attentive, and every now and then would come to see how we got on, but he found the day an ordeal, and we would hear him say, as he paced up and down: "What the deuce brought me here? These blasted Indians will kill us, and I shall never see my little wife again!"
    As the sun was about setting, the army returned. They reported that the Indians had discovered their advance--had doubtless been warned by the two that passed us, who must have known the party was just behind--and had cleared out. They had encountered squads of them all through the woods, but the only one of our party that was hurt was Judge Tobin, who had received an arrow wound in the thigh. They had burned the village, and destroyed all the provisions, besides taking five prisoners. One of these prisoners was a girl, and another the man Hoyt had shot through the hand. He was in a wretched condition: he had done nothing for the wound, and it was nearly a week old. They had seen the bodies of the men we had wounded, who were in a dying condition, had found my rifle, filled with sand and gravel, and had picked up a number of arrows.
    That night everybody was too tired to do anything, and action was postponed till morning. A guard was placed over the prisoners, and they were tied, but during the night the girl and one of the men managed to escape.
    When morning came, and we had had breakfast, we held a council to decide what to do with the remaining prisoners. Everything was conducted in an orderly manner. Some were for letting them off; others for shooting them; others for whipping and letting them go.
    "Don't whip an Indian!" I said. "Either let them off or kill them."
    A show of hands was called for, and the result was that for the safety of travelers in the future they must be shot as an example.
    This is the way it was carried out: an Indian was led down to the edge of the surf, placed with his back to it, and there he stood, straight and still and cool, till a volley riddled his body. He sank, and was borne off by the undertow. The other two looked on without the least show of emotion, and as their turns came, each one walked silently forward, faced about, stood without a quiver looking at the rifles, and met his fate. The man whose hand was hurt was one of these three.
    Doctor Anderson removed the stitches from my head, and told me I must not be removed for eight or ten days. But the combined party were about to return to Trinidad, and though some of them kindly offered to stay with me, I begged to go. They had brought a couple of mules, and when they saw I was determined not to stay, they let me have one of these. I was carefully lifted and placed on his back; and then, when the blankets where I had lain all this time were taken up we found out what I had felt moving: a number of snakes had taken their abode beneath.
    I suffered little from the journey, except occasionally from the throbbing of my head, when the mule had to step over the rocks. In Trinidad there was a French doctor--I think his name was Gras--who paid me a great deal of attention. Mr. Mathews also was very kind, and let us have a little house, and used to spend a good deal of time bathing my wounds to keep down inflammation. No one could have received more kindness and human sympathy than I did. I was the first victim of Indian troubles, and everybody was interested in me. The Indians used to come in and see me, and look at my wounds with awe and interest.
    As I thought the matter over, at this time and later, some things became clear to me. The friendliness on the Klamath, turning to hostility, as if the Indians had heard something; the unusual excitement on Redwood Creek when Hoyt and I were seen coming; the single armed man, keeping by me with the hatchet--all these things pointed to me. I have had no doubt that I was recognized on the Klamath as one of the party concerned in that wanton murder the second day out from Trinidad with the Australians; I had been a marked man and had not known it, and hostility had been drawn on the whole party on my account. Had they been less in fear of the whites, I and my companions would have paid the reckoning promptly. As it was, they could not bring themselves to the attack till fate seemed to put me in their hands, and even then their fear of our unknown powers paralyzed their assault, when they could easily have made an end of us. I bore them no ill will--the first aggression came from our side.
    The schooner Sierra Nevada, Captain Edwards, gave me passage, and I returned to San Francisco. I never saw Hoyt again, but I learned that he returned to New York soon after, and was practicing dentistry. I shall never forget his good, kind face. After the first excitement he seemed to accept the situation, and without a murmur plodded along. He stayed by me, when he was the better able of the two to get on, and without his help and encouragement I could never have got over the bluff.
    Among the souvenirs of that little adventure, I still keep the contract signed by Mr. Young--the writing almost obliterated with blood--the barb in my arm, and the deep scar on my head.
Overland Monthly, December 1891, pages 646-661




Last revised March 22, 2025